Timbuktu Institute - Week 3 September 2026

N’Djamena is seeking to regain its grip on several fronts at once. Indeed, the military high command appears determined to restore order down to the institution’s everyday practices. The series of directives issued by the Chief of General Staff of the Armed Forces, General Abakar Abdelkerim Daoud, is revealing in this respect. First, in a document sent on 10 September to all commanders of major formations, operations coordinators and directors, an instruction now prohibits the movement of Toyota “troop” military vehicles in urban areas. According to the measure, the ban aims to regulate the use of these vehicles more strictly, with a few exemptions granted for fatigue duties or training. The instruction is to be applied notably in the Lac, Daboua, Ounianga Kebbir-Nord and Kanem areas.

On the same day, the high command prohibited soldiers from getting involved in mediating community and religious conflicts. The General Staff says it has observed soldiers of various ranks taking part in managing these disputes and points out that this mission does not fall within the prerogatives of the defence and security forces, in accordance with Ordinance 02 on the general statute of the FDS. Any offender now faces disciplinary sanctions. A third measure concerns the wearing of uniforms. The military command has noted the recurrent presence of armed soldiers in bars and other public places in N’Djamena outside working hours. Wearing military dress is therefore now prohibited outside working hours. The capital’s joint security commission and the military police have been instructed to intercept offenders, who are to be handed over to the General Staff of the Armed Forces and face disciplinary sanctions.

Curbing the circulation of weapons

This determination by the State to assert control over its territory is also evident on another front: the circulation of weapons. A disarmament operation conducted over three months in four eastern provinces led to the seizure of 3,430 weapons as well as a large quantity of ammunition. Presented on 17 September at the base of the Chad-Sudan Joint Force, the results concern Ouaddaï, Wadi Fira, Sila and Ennedi-Est. A considerable figure that gives tangible substance to the effort to regain security control. According to General Ousmane Bahr Mahamat Itno, general coordinator of the disarmament programme, the aim is to remove weapons illegally held by the population in order to strengthen security and stability in this part of the country. This disarmament operation comes, moreover, as the high command seeks to prevent soldiers from becoming actors in these community conflicts. The logic is twofold: reducing the circulation of instruments of violence while clarifying the responsibilities of those tasked with ensuring security.

Strengthening the social fabric

On the social front, civil society is working to bring about transitional justice mechanisms. On 15 September, in N’Djamena, civil society organisations, human rights defenders, lawyers and victims’ representatives presented a citizens’ project to create a National Truth, Justice, Reparation and Reconciliation Commission (CNVJRR). The initiative seeks to address the trauma linked to the conflicts, violence, disappearances and human rights violations that have marked Chad’s history. Its promoters believe that previous peace agreements and dialogues have failed to deal with this legacy in a lasting way. “There is something we have not yet tried: the truth, justice and reparation mechanism,” said Mahamat Nour Ibedou, defending an approach inspired notably by the South African and Rwandan experiences, but adapted to Chadian realities. The project rests on six pillars: truth, justice, trauma healing, reparation, institutional reform and reconciliation.

The organisations are now asking President Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno to institutionalise this commission, drawing in particular on the Doha Agreement and the recommendations of the Inclusive and Sovereign National Dialogue. The initiative thus adds a political and memorial dimension to stabilisation efforts. For disarming communities or disciplining the security forces is not necessarily enough to heal accumulated wounds. The question also remains how a State can acknowledge past violence, deliver justice to victims and restore trust in its institutions.

The economic gamble

Consolidating the country also involves another, no less urgent battle: that of economic transformation. In this respect, N’Djamena intends to mobilise up to 30 billion dollars from investors, notably French ones, to finance the 268 projects of the “Tchad Connexion 2030” National Development Plan. The programme covers 17 sectors and provides for investments in water, electricity, infrastructure, digital technology, agriculture, health and hydrocarbons, to which are added 133 projects devoted to structural reforms. The stakes are high: increasing GDP by 60% and lifting 2.5 million people out of poverty. The government is counting in particular on public-private partnerships and French expertise to accelerate the country’s economic transformation. The Chad-France economic forum scheduled in Paris on 25 September 2026 is precisely intended to mobilise French investors around the plan’s priority sectors, including water, energy, infrastructure, mining, industry, agriculture, livestock, health and training. But here again, moving from words to implementation is the real test. The plan comprises 268 projects and carries a transformative ambition that goes well beyond building infrastructure alone. It touches on electricity, water, digital technology, transport, agriculture, health and hydrocarbons, but also on justice, taxation, social protection, State reform and decentralisation. From this angle, the challenge for N’Djamena is also to create the conditions for turning financial commitments into tangible achievements, in an environment where expectations regarding transparency, governance and project implementation remain high. All the more so as the country still faces a degree of caution towards major development programmes announced over the decades without always delivering the expected results.