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On the political front, the slow progress of the transitional government towards a democratic civilian regime continues, with the indefinite postponement of scheduled elections. This situation is fuelling concern among some observers as to the intentions of the military authorities in office since 2020 to remain in power. Just as March 26 marked the fall of the dictatorship in 1991, this date also marks the end of the transition opened by the coup d'état of 2020. The transitional authorities remain in power despite promises of a rapid transition and a presidential election postponed without a new date set. Opponents denounce the "hostage-taking of the country by the military", which has been in power for almost four years. 

The removal of Choguel Maïga from the presidency of the Mouvement du 5 juin - Rassemblement des Forces Patriotiques (M5-RFP) reveals the political divisions within the opposition, which could further weaken the movement. Similarly, the dissolution of the Coordination des Mouvements, Associations et Sympathisants de l'Imam Mahmoud Dicko (CMAS) by the authorities demonstrates the tensions between the country's various political and religious players, with potential implications for social stability. This comes against a backdrop of "repression of the opposition", as a dozen students from AEEM, the dissolved Association of Pupils and Students of Mali, were arrested by State Security, Mali's intelligence services, and by the banning of the opposition coalition "Synergie d'action pour le Mali".

The setting up of a steering committee for the future inter-Malian dialogue has been criticized for the lack of representativeness of the armed groups who signed the previous peace agreement, especially as none of these armed groups were invited.

At the same time, tensions between Mali and France were exacerbated by a decision by the Malian authorities to order the withdrawal of the French television channel France 2 from the television bouquets, in response to a report on the security situation in Mali that was far from unanimously approved in Mali.

With the blockade imposed by several armed jihadist groups, the town of Ménaka is still finding it difficult to obtain supplies of food, petrol and medicines, making daily life difficult for the population, with the immediate consequence of rising prices. This blockade comes on top of the many difficulties experienced by the local population, particularly with regard to hosting displaced persons, who number 40,000 in the region, according to the UN humanitarian coordinator Ocha. The massive influx of refugees from Burkina Faso fleeing the violence in their country and the energy crisis in Gao, where the population is deprived of electricity due to a major breakdown in the main generator, illustrate the humanitarian and infrastructural challenges facing the country.

On the security front, a large-scale "tactical exercise" personally supervised by General Saïd Chanegriha, Chief of Staff of the Algerian Army, took place on February 27 at the border with Mali. The exercise took place against a backdrop of high tension between Algeria and the transitional Malian authorities, with growing concerns over cross-border security. Indeed, the catalyst for this situation is none other than the Malian army and Wagner drone strikes on the border with Algeria, which left 7 people dead and many more lost in the rubble. At the end of March, and following this clear deterioration in relations between Algeria and Mali, the government of Choguel Kokalla Maïga decided to abolish the Algiers agreement.

The arrest of Colonel Alpha Yaya Sangaré, at his home in Bamako without a warrant, following the publication of his book criticizing the army, demonstrates the growing tensions between the military authorities and critical voices within the army. The circumstances surrounding this arrest raise concerns about respect for freedom of expression and due process in Mali. 

In addition, the release of three Italian nationals from the same family, captured in Mali since 2022, underlines the persistent risk of kidnapping in the region. According to data provided by the Italian Presidency of the Council of Ministers, the Italian nationals were held for almost two years before being released. In March, the release by the JNIM of a video showing Malian soldiers captured near Kwala, along with demands for their release in exchange for prisoners held by the JNIM, the deadly attack near Sikasso and the army's blunder in Amasrakad, proved the persistence of the terrorist threat in the country and the vulnerability of the national security forces. At the same time, the rallying of a rebel military leader to the JNIM highlights the complex issues of alliances and power rivalries in a context where armed groups often operate in a fluid fashion.