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The eastern regions of Senegal, which border on Mali and Mauritania, face socio-economic, security and climatic challenges that could have an impact on community resilience. Strengthening community resilience is therefore becoming a strategic issue, not only for Senegal but also for neighbouring countries, given the socio-cultural continuum and shared challenges. With this in mind, from 22 to 25 April 2025, the Timbuktu Institute, in partnership with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and with the support of the European Union, conducted dialogue sessions in the departments of Goudiry, Tambacounda and Koumpentoum. These awareness-raising sessions and dialogues aimed at civil society players in all their diversity and the security and defence forces (FDS) provided an opportunity to hold a series of dialogues involving the FDS, Badiénou Gox, community leaders, etc., with a view to taking joint and concerted action to strengthen social cohesion and living together.
From the four days of dialogue and collective reflection sessions held in the departments of Goudiry, Tambacounda and Koumpentoum by the Timbuktu Institute, under the guidance of Dr Bakary Sambe, it is possible to highlight a series of major cross-cutting observations, which project an overall picture of the dynamics, challenges and prospects of local communities. First of all, in all three departments, the community players (badiene gox, teachers, community leaders and FDS) showed great involvement in mediation, conflict prevention and strengthening the social fabric, as evidenced by the often lively and sometimes passionate discussions. This participation is proof of a local commitment to building peace and perpetuating social cohesion by relying on local mechanisms such as customary mediation and joking cousinage. As Augustin Ndecky, a teacher from Tambacounda, points out, "the border is not just a physical space, it is also a social space. Often, the first borders that arise between us are social, that is to say between communities, social groups, families and ethnic groups". Nevertheless, mutual incomprehension and even tensions between the communities and the FDS remain a major common challenge. Despite attempts at collaboration, a climate of mistrust remains. This atmosphere, which is exacerbated by the lack of regular opportunities for dialogue and exchange of mutual perspectives, or security practices that communities struggle to understand and appropriate, limits the ability of the FDS to benefit from useful community collaboration, which is essential for security prevention. "We must remember that our country is an island of stability in an ocean of instability, in this case the sub-region. That's why community and intercultural dialogue, socio-economic inclusion and sustainable collaboration between the population and the FDS must be a constant", says Bakary Sambe, President of the Timbuktu Institute. Moreover, adds Mr Diouf - commander of Tambacounda - ‘there can be no peace without security, and there can be no security without the involvement of the people, who must understand that we are with them and that we are all Senegalese’.
From Goudiry to Koumpentoum, via Tambacounda, community players have never ceased to stress the importance of education as an essential lever for resilience. With this in mind, teachers emerged as a crucial pillar, not only in academic training, but also in the transmission of the values of tolerance, citizenship and peace. Many participants also stressed the need to reinstate civic and moral education in school curricula and to provide better training for educators in the prevention of violent extremism. In addition, three pillars appear to be essential for building social cohesion in the Tambacounda region: restoring trust between the population and the FDS, strengthening education for young people in civics and citizenship, and taking account of local mechanisms in conflict prevention strategies. The community dialogues held in Goudiry, Tambacounda and Koumpentoum have highlighted resilient communities that have come up with solutions, but unfortunately still face a degree of socio-economic marginalisation. "Unfortunately, when we talk about borders in Senegal, the reality is that we often end up talking about vulnerability. Quite a few people living in these areas struggle to feel fully Senegalese. That's why, for the past few years, the State has been tackling this issue head on in its public policies, with the aim of ensuring territorial equity", says Alioune Badara Mbengue, Prefect of Tambacounda.
Building resilience together
In fact, these dialogue sessions helped to highlight two central facts. On the one hand, there is a remarkable local desire for resilience, provided that community involvement receives structural and institutional support and that endogenous mechanisms are recognised as being worthy of prospects for lasting solutions. On the other hand, in a region marked by a cross-border threat and ongoing fragility, these exchanges, which took place under the banner of active listening, participation and openness, show that it is possible and necessary to revive civic awareness and the sense of national belonging, to strengthen the links between the population and the FDS, and to support the pivotal role of women - in this case the badiene gox - community leaders and teachers in conflict management. ‘Even if their work suffers from a lack of institutional support and insufficient resources, the badiene gox regularly intervene in marital conflicts, the fight against gender-based violence (GBV), juvenile violence, community health, etc.’ said Assa Sidibé, first deputy mayor and badiene gox in Koumpentoum. The badiene gox are recognised in unison as key players in social mediation.
These dialogue sessions are a further reminder of the need to move away from vertical solutions that are disconnected from local realities, and to make way for resilience that is co-designed and co-constructed with local communities, respecting their endogenous knowledge and cultural diversity. It is therefore clear that there is an urgent need to step up coordinated support from the various players (the State, local authorities, CSOs and TFPs) to create the conditions for equitable, inclusive and sustainable development in the regions of eastern Senegal.
Kensio Akpo
By Dr. Bakary Sambe, President of the Timbuktu Institute - African Center for Peace Studies
Relations between Mauritania and Senegal, rooted in geographical, cultural and historical proximity, have been strengthened by the development of hydrocarbons as a strategic lever, notably through the Grand Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA) gas project. The recent joint visit by Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani and Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye to the GTA platform on 22 May 2025 marks a decisive step in this partnership. This event, combined with energy issues and regional challenges, underlines the need to strengthen bilateral cooperation for common and sustainable development.
The Grand Tortue Ahmeyim field is an emblematic regional cooperation project. Discovered in 2015 by Kosmos Energy, it contains around 450 billion cubic metres of gas, exploited by BP, Kosmos, Société mauritanienne des hydrocarbures (SMH) and Petrosen.
Since the start of production in January 2025 and the first export of liquefied natural gas (LNG) in April 2025, the GTA has propelled the two nations into the ranks of LNG exporting countries in Africa. With planned production of 2.5 million tonnes a year, the project promises significant revenues, shared equally (50-50) under the 2018 agreement. All observers note the two countries' commitment to managing this resource in a transparent and balanced manner. According to the joint press release, the latest meeting between the two heads of state marked ‘a major step forward in energy cooperation’ between Mauritania and Senegal. The Mauritanian President also stressed the equitable nature of this partnership, underlining the shared desire to maximise the benefits for the populations of both countries.
The joint visit on 22 May 2025 is part of a series of high-level exchanges that demonstrate the two countries' desire to consolidate their relations. On 18 April 2024, the newly elected President Faye chose Mauritania for his first official visit abroad. Another meeting, on 11 November 2024 in Riyadh on the sidelines of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) summit, also enabled the two leaders to reaffirm their commitment to intensifying coordination on regional and international issues, including the management of the AWG.
If Mauritania and Senegal are to maximise the benefits of gas development and consolidate their partnership, it is imperative that they deepen their cooperation. Transparent and crucial governance of the gas project is essential. The creation of a Senegal-Mauritania secretariat, mooted in 2025, could institutionalise coordination and strengthen cooperation. Given the stakes involved, both countries need to invest more in training and infrastructure to transform revenues into sustainable development, particularly through sectors such as petrochemicals and energy. Similarly, past tensions, such as those relating to fishing, call for more concerted management of shared resources to avoid potential conflicts. But there is no doubt that the historical and cultural dimension of this relationship is a guarantee of sustainability in addition to the shared economic stakes. Over and above hydrocarbons and shared economic interests, relations between Mauritania and Senegal are above all spiritual and cultural. These relations, which have survived all previous temporary crises, are constantly fortified by a common foundation that draws its sources from the depths of our shared history.
الدكتور باكري سامب/ مدير معهد تمبكتو لدراسات السلام
منذ عدة عقود، اشتعلت نار الصراع الإسرائيلي الفلسطيني كركيزة أساسية للصراع العربي الإسرائيلي، و تفاقمت بفعل التصعيد الحالي للتوترات بين إسرائيل وإيران إلى حد غياب الأمل في رجوع السلام والمصالحة. ومع الهجومات الإسرائيلية على الأهداف المرتبطة بإيران في سوريا ولبنان، ودعم طهران لحماس وحزب الله، والدعم الأمريكي غير المشروط لإسرائيل، تحولت القضية الفلسطينية إلى صراع جيوسياسي أوسع نطاقًا وأبعد مدى مما كانت في السابق. ورغم المبادرات الدبلوماسية الجريئة والوساطة الدولية التي بادرتها بعض الدول والمنظمات، تبددت فرص السلام باستمرار، وقوضتها الخلافات العميقة والعنف وانعدام الثقة المستمر. ويمكن إعادة النظرة إلى بعض الوقائع التاريخية لفهم هذه الفرص الضائعة التي لا تزال تشوه وجه المنطقة الخائضة في أزمة دائمة :
في عام 1947، العرب الذين عارضوا قيام دولة إسرائيل رفضوا خطة التقسيم التي اقترحتها الأمم المتحدة بقصد قيام دولتين في أرض فلسطين، وأدت حرب عام 1948 والنكبة، التي هجّرت 700 ألف فلسطيني، إلى ترسيخ انقسام دائم. في عام 1967، أتاحت حرب الأيام الستة فرصة جديدة بصدور القرار 242، الذي طالب بانسحاب إسرائيلي من الأراضي المحتلة مقابل السلام؛ إلا أن غموض القرار ورفض العرب التفاوض مباشرة، وبدء الاستعمار في الضفة الغربية، حطم هذا الأمل. كما مثّلت اتفاقيات كامب ديفيد عام 1978 نقطة تحول إذ وُقّعت اتفاقية السلام بين إسرائيل ومصر، لكن الفلسطينيين الغائبين عن المناقشات ظلّوا مطروحين في ظلال التهميش. وافتتح مؤتمر مدريد (1991) حوارًا غير مسبوق، لكنه واجه خلافات مستمرة. في عام 1993، أحيت اتفاقيات أوسلو الأمل بوعد قيام دولة فلسطينية، إلا أن استمرار الاستعمار الإسرائيلي، واغتيال إسحاق رابين عام 1995، وهجمات حماس، أشعلت شرارة الانتفاضة الثانية (2000-2005)، وخيبت هذا الحلم.
وكان عام 2000 لحظة محورية أخرى، وذلك لأنه في كامب ديفيد، اقترح إيهود باراك دولة فلسطينية تغطي 91٪ من الضفة الغربية وغزة، لكن ياسر عرفات رفض، مطالبًا بالمزيد في القدس واللاجئين. هذا الفشل الذي أعقبه موجة من العنف كان السبب الحقيقي في دفن المفاوضات.
حاولت خريطة الطريق الرباعية (2002) ومبادرة جنيف (2003) إحياء العملية، لكن الاستعمار والتعنت من كلا الجانبين - شارون في إسرائيل، والانقسامات بين فتح وحماس - أعاقت هذه الجهود. في عام 2020، أدت خطة ترامب المؤيدة لإسرائيل واتفاقيات إبراهيم، التي تطبع العلاقات مع العديد من الدول العربية، إلى تهميش الفلسطينيين، الذين رفضوا الصفقة واعتبروها اقتراحًا غير متوازن.
منذ هجوم حماس في 7 أكتوبر 2023، والذي أسفر عن مقتل 1200 إسرائيلي، والرد اللاحق في غزة، والذي خلف أكثر من 27000 قتيل في فلسطين أكثرهم أطفال ونساء، وفقًا لوزارة الصحة المحلية، تعثرت محادثات وقف إطلاق النار ولاقت فشلا ذريعا. ويضاف إلى ذلك أن المطالب المتضاربة - تدمير حماس لإسرائيل، والانسحاب الكامل للفلسطينيين - تعيق أي تقدم، مما يشير إلى أنه على المدى القصير، يبدو السلام بعيد المنال، لا سيما وأن التنافس الإسرائيلي الإيراني، الذي اتسم بالضربات والحروب بالوكالة، يُغذي عدم الاستقرار. ويمكن للضغط الدولي، لا سيما من الأمم المتحدة والدول العربية المعتدلة، أن يُنعش المبادرات القائمة على حل الدولتين، علما بأنه على المدى الطويل، سيتطلب التوصل إلى تسوية نهائية تنازلات شجاعة تشمل ما يلي : إنهاء النشاط الاستيطاني، والاعتراف المتبادل، والوساطة المحايدة. ربما تستطيع الأجيال الشابة، التي سئمت الوضع الراهن، أن تُقدم زخمًا متجددًا، لكن التغلب على إرث انعدام الثقة والألم، الذي تضخم بفعل التوترات الإقليمية، لا يزال يُشكل تحديًا هائلًا.
تتجذر هذه الإخفاقات في عدة ثوابت: الخلافات حول القدس واللاجئين والحدود والمستوطنات؛ والعنف المتطرف الصادر من كلا الطرفين؛ والانقسامات الداخلية؛ والتدخل الخارجي، مثل الدعم الإيراني لحماس، مما جعل السلام صعب المنال، واليوم، لا يزال سكان غزة يعيشون تحت تصبب القصف، ويواجهون وضعًا إنسانيًا مأساويًا. إن هذه المعاناة الصعبة والمؤسفة، والتي تفاقمت اليوم بفعل خطر التصعيد غير المسبوق، يجب أن تدفع المجتمع الدولي إلى إيجاد حل لهذا الصراع الذي طال أمده.
فبدون حل نهائي له، سيظل العالم اليوم بعيدًا كل البعد عن ضمان السلام والأمن، مما يترك المنطقة - وما وراءها - في حالة من عدم الاستقرار المزمن، ويبقى سؤال جوهري: كم من الوقت والموت والدمار والأزمات والصراعات المتواصلة سيمر قبل أن نلتقي مجددًا مع التاريخ ومع السلام؟
Source : Sahel weather May 2025
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The electoral management agency Elecam and the UN signed a cooperation agreement on 9 May. The aim of the agreement, it is claimed, is to "optimise elections in Cameroon, with a view to strengthening the transparency and inclusiveness of the electoral process". Clearly left out of this process, the MRC (Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon) party of the opposition leader Maurice Kamto voiced its indignation vehemently, denouncing a "signature on the sly". Maurice Kamto called on therefore "the UN to make public the Convention signed with ELECAM or else to publicly disassociate itself from it, unless it has decided, against democratic values and the interests of the Cameroonian people, and above all against its cardinal mission of conflict prevention, to support the current Cameroonian dictatorship to the very end and come what may".
Although President Paul Biya has not yet officially declared his intention to stand for re-election, since April he has opted for unusually intensive digital communication on social networks and Facebook. In regular posts - each time in French and English - Biya has launched several appeals for national cohesion. On 28 May, for example, he declared: "Peace, unity and democracy are sure values that I never stop advocating and that we must constantly reinforce. They are priceless but fragile". On 12 May: "Together, we must continue to build a healthy society made up of human beings who enjoy each other's company, rather than seeing each other as wolves. Or earlier in the month, on 2 May: "Our objective is the total fulfilment of every citizen, wherever they live and work, without discrimination". This communicative shift is seen by much of public opinion as a way of taking the temperature in the run-up to the presidential election in October 2025. Meanwhile, Cabral Libii has been nominated as the official candidate presidential of the Cameroon Party for National Reconciliation (PCRN). This is the second time Cabral Libii has run for the supreme magistracy - he came third in the 2018 presidential election.
National outcry after a murder
In Cameroon, the murder of Mathis, a six-year-old boy, on 10 May caused a national uproar. According to witnesses, the tragedy occurred after a fight between Mathis' father and the alleged murderer in a Yaoundé bar. The alleged murderer then went to Mathis' parents' house and stabbed the six-year-old boy several times. The security forces had to intervene to prevent him from being attacked by the crowd. The case has sparked a wave of indignation, particularly as the alleged murderer is the father of popular Cameroonian artist Lydol. Moved, the slam artist immediately took to her Instagram account to offer her condolences to the grieving family, cancelling her two forthcoming concerts scheduled for late May and early June out of deference. On Tuesday 27 May, 47-year-old Dagobert Nwafo was charged with "murder" and transferred to Kondengui central prison. He will spend six months in provisional detention there, pending his trial scheduled for 27 November.
On 20 May, the country celebrated its bank holidays, punctuated by military parades and official words calling for national unity. However, the day came against a backdrop of socio-political tensions, with the boycott of Maurice Kamto's MRC and the exclusion of militants from Célestin Bedzigui's Liberal Alliance Party (PAL). In the English-speaking city of Buea, "a police source reported that an improvised explosive device placed near the ceremonial square had been defused a few hours before the start of the parade", reports RFI.
Security challenges
At the end of the month, two terrorist incursions attributed to the Boko Haram terrorist group were recorded in the far north of the country. The first occurred on the night of 18 to 19 May in the Guipéré district of the village of Moskota (Mayo-Tsanaga department) and resulted in the death of one person. The second, on the night of 23 May in the canton of Moskota (Mayo-Moskota district) also killed one person. Several people were injured.
In addition, a report published on 9 May by the NGO Foder (Forêts et Développement Rural) warned of "the consequences of artisanal mining in localities in the east of the country". According to the report, illegal mining in these protected areas seriously threatens the existence of certain emblematic mammals threatened with extinction, such as the leopard, the buffalo, the African golden cat, the pygmy hippopotamus and the derby elk.
Source : Météo Sahel Mai 2025
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L’agence de gestion des élections Elecam et l’Onu ont signé le 9 mai, une convention de collaboration. Celle-ci vise, affirme-t-on, à « optimiser les élections au Cameroun, dans une démarche visant à renforcer la transparence et l’inclusivité du processus électoral ». Visiblement écarté de ce processus, le parti MRC (Mouvement pour la Renaissance du Cameroun) de l’opposant Maurice Kamto a exprimé avec véhémence son indignation, dénonçant une « signature en catimini ». Ainsi, Maurice Kamto demande-t-il « à l’ONU de rendre publique la Convention signée avec ELECAM ou alors de s’en désolidariser publiquement, à moins qu’elle n’ait décidé, contre les valeurs démocratiques et les intérêts du Peuple Camerounais, et surtout contre sa mission cardinale de prévention des conflits de soutenir jusqu’au bout et quoi qu’il arrive la dictature camerounaise en place. »
Si le président Paul Biya ne s’est toujours pas déclaré officiellement sur sa volonté de briguer un nouveau mandat, il a durant depuis le mois d’avril, opté pour une communication numérique, inhabituellement intensive sur les réseaux sociaux et Facebook. En effet, dans des posts réguliers – à chaque fois en français et en anglais -, Biya a lancé plusieurs appels à la cohésion nationale. Par exemple, le 28 mai, il déclarait : « la paix, l’unité et la démocratie sont des valeurs sûres que je n’ai de cesse de prôner et que nous devons sans cesse renforcer. Elles n’ont pas de prix mais elles restent fragiles ». Le 12 mai : « Tous ensemble, nous devons continuer à bâtir une société saine constituée d’êtres humains qui se plaisent dans la compagnie les uns des autres, au lieu de se percevoir plutôt comme des loups les uns pour les autres. Ou encore plus tôt dans le mois, le 2 mai : « Notre objectif, c’est l’épanouissement total de chaque citoyen, où qu’il vive et travaille, sans discriminations. » Ce virage communicationnel est lu par une bonne partie de l’opinion publique, comme une manière de prendre la température, en vue de la présidentielle d’octobre 2025. Pendant ce temps, Cabral Libii a été désigné comme candidat officiel du Parti camerounais pour la réconciliation nationale (PCRN) à l'élection présidentielle. C’est la deuxième fois que Cabral Libii brigue la magistrature suprême – il était arrivé en troisième position à la présidentielle de 2018.
Emoi national après un meurtre
Au Cameroun, l’assassinat de Mathis, jeune garçon de six ans – le 10 mai mai, a provoqué un émoi national. D’après les témoins, le drame a eu lieu après une rixe entre le père de Mathis et le présumé assassin, dans une buvette de Yaoundé. Par la suite, ce dernier s’est rendu dans la maison des parents de Mathis, et a poignardé à plusieurs reprises le petit garçon de six ans. Les forces de sécurité ont dû intervenir pour éviter qu’il ne soit pris à partie par la foule. Cette affaire suscite une vague d’indignation d’autant plus grande que l’assassin présumé est le père de l’artiste populaire camerounaise Lydol. Emue, la slameuse a d’emblée exprimé sur son compte Instagram pour présenter ses condoléances à la famille éplorée, annulant par déférence, ses deux concerts prochains prévus fin mai et début juin. Mardi 27 mai, Dagobert Nwafo, 47 ans, a été inculpé pour « assassinat » et déposé à la prison centrale de Kondengui. Il y passera six mois en détention provisoire, en attendant son procès prévu le 27 novembre.
Le 20 mai, le pays a célébré sa fête nationale, ponctuée par des parades militaires et des mots officiels appelant à l’unité nationale. Cependant, cette journée qui arrive dans un contexte de tensions socio-politiques a vu le boycott du MRC de Maurice Kamto ou encore l’exclusion des militants du Parti de l’Alliance libérale (PAL) de Célestin Bedzigui. Dans la ville de Buéa (région anglophone), « une source policière a signalé qu'un engin explosif improvisé placé près de la place des cérémonies avait été désamorcé quelques heures avant le début de la parade », rapporte RFI.
Défis sécuritaires
En fin de mois, deux incursions terroristes attribuées au groupe terroriste Boko Haram ont été enregistrées dans l’extrême nord du pays. La première survenue dans la nuit du 18 au 19 mai dans le quartier Guipéré du village de Moskota (département du Mayo-Tsanaga) a causé la mort d’une personne. La seconde, dans la nuit du 23 mai dans le canton de Moskota (arrondissement de Mayo-Moskota) a également fait un mort. Plusieurs blessés ont été constatés.
Par ailleurs, un rapport publié le 9 mai par l’ONG Foder (Forêts et Développement Rural) alerte sur « les conséquences de l'exploitation minière artisanale dans des localités situées à l'est du pays ». Selon ce rapport, l’exploitation minière illégale dans ces aires protégées menace sérieusement l’existence de certains mammifères emblématiques menacés d'extinction tels que le léopard, le buffle, le chat doré africain, l'hippopotame pygmée, ou l'élan de derby.
Source : Sahel weather May 2025
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Since the legislative elections of December 2024, which his party "Les Transformateurs" boycotted, the political future of the former prime minister, Succès Masra, has been the subject of debate. At the end of January, he made a surprise appeal to those in power, saying he was "ready to work" with President Mahamat Idriss Déby. This offer was not taken up. Better still, in the middle of May, on Friday 16th, Succès Masra was arrested at his home. In a press briefing held on the same day, the public prosecutor, Oumar Kedelaye, indicated that the opponent was accused of "inciting hatred". He is therefore being prosecuted for "complicity in murder", "arson" and "desecration of graves". According to the public prosecutor's office, these charges are linked to the intercommunity clashes that took place on Wednesday 14 May in the village of Mandakao, in the province of Logone Occidental, on the border with Cameroon, which left 41 people dead (mostly women and children) and several others injured. According to a judicial source, some 80 nomad camps were burnt down.
According to the prosecutor, "the investigations conducted by the judicial police revealed the involvement of Mr Assyongar Masra Succès". He added that "messages were circulated, particularly on social networks, calling on the population to arm themselves against other citizens". The Succès Masra party condemned "a brutal arrest carried out without any known legal procedure". Djesada Ndolembaye, said that , one of the vice-presidents of the Succès Masra partySuccès Masra "was taken aback by the charges brought against him (...) He would never have called for hatred or community confrontations". The audio in question, attributed to Succès Masra, was broadcast in Ngambay, his mother tongue. According to his lawyers, the audio in question dates from May 2023 and is available on S. Masra's Youtube channel. They therefore dispute the claim that this audio could be linked to the deadly incidents in Mandakao. Although Masra was due to be heard on 19 May, the hearing was finally postponed and his lawyers were turned away. Succès Masra was finally questioned by the judicial police the following day. On 21 May, he was formally charged and placed in pre-trial detention. His lawyers are calling for the case to be dismissed outright. The State's judicial agency has brought a civil action against Succès Masra in this case.
A joint force between Chad and the Central African Republic
At the same time, N'Djamena and Bangui announced the creation of a joint force to combat insecurity on their shared 1,200 km border. The memorandum of understanding that led to the creation of this force was signed in October 2024. "The operational leader has already been appointed," says Issakha M. Djamous, Chad's Minister of the Armed Forces. "Central Africans and Chadians have suffered enough. It's time for these two peoples to live in peace and security", said the Central African Defence Minister, Claude Rameaux Bireau. For the time being, the number of soldiers in this force is not yet known.
On the other hand, at the end of his trial, Youssouf Déby Itno, the former director of the cabinet of President Mahamat I. Déby Itno, Youssouf Boy, was sentenced on 9 May to five years in prison for "active corruption". The conviction follows a complaint lodged in January by Chadian businessman About Hachim Bouder, who accused Youssouf Boy of not having repaid the sum of 11.8 billion CFA francs earmarked for the construction of infrastructure in the east of the country, using a mandate from the President of the Republic. The plaintiff, About Hachim Bouder, was also sentenced to five years in prison for "passive corruption". At the end of the month, a TikTok video of an army officer caused controversy. In it, the officer made offensive comments about the Sara community. Despite the virality of the video, no official reaction was recorded until 29 May.
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Source : Météo Sahel Mai 2025
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Depuis les élections législatives de décembre 2024 que son parti « Les Transformateurs » avait boycottées, l’avenir politique de l’ancien premier ministre, Succès Masra, était sujet à débats. Fin janvier dernier, il faisait, à la surprise générale, un appel du pied au pouvoir, se disant « prêt à travailler » avec le président Mahamat Idriss Déby. Cette perche tendue ne sera pas prise. Mieux, en milieu du mois de mai, le vendredi 16, Succès Masra a été interpellé à son domicile. Dans un point de presse tenu le même jour, le procureur de la République Oumar Kedelaye a indiqué que l’opposant était accusé d’ « incitation à la haine ». Et partant, il est poursuivi pour « complicité d’assassinat », « incendies volontaires » et « profanation de sépultures ». Selon le parquet, ces chefs d’accusation auraient un lien avec des affrontements intercommunautaires survenus le mercredi 14 mai dans le village de Mandakao, dans la province du Logone occidental, à la frontière camerounaise, qui ont fait 41 morts (en majorité des femmes et des enfants) et plusieurs blessés. D’après une source judiciaire, des campements nomades près de 80 cases ont été incendiés.
C’est ainsi que selon le procureur, « les enquêtes menées par la police judiciaire ont révélé l’implication de M. Assyongar Masra Succès ». Ajoutant que « des messages ont été diffusés, notamment sur les réseaux sociaux, appelant la population à s'armer contre d'autres citoyens ». Du côté du parti de Succès Masra, l’on dénonce « une arrestation brutale menée en dehors de toute procédure judiciaire connue ». Pour Djesada Ndolembaye, l’un des vice-présidents du parti de Succès Masra, ce dernier « était bien surpris des chefs d’accusation portés contre lui (…) En aucun cas, il aurait appelé à la haine ou des confrontations communautaires ». L’audio en question attribué à Succès Masra a été diffusé en langue ngambay, langue maternelle de l’opposant. Selon ses avocats, l’audio évoqué date de mai 2023 et est disponible sur la Chaîne Youtube de S. Masra. Ils contestent donc la thèse selon laquelle cet audio puisse être lié aux incidents meurtriers de Mandakao. Alors que l’opposant devait être entendu le 19 mai, la séance a finalement été reportée et ses avocats ont été éconduits. Succès Masra a finalement été entendu par la police judiciaire le lendemain. Le 21 mai, il est formellement inculpé et placé sous détention provisoire. Ses avocats réclament un non-lieu pur et simple. Dans cette affaire, l’agence judiciaire de l’Etat s’est constituée partie civile contre Succès Masra.
Une force conjointe entre le Tchad et la Centrafrique
Parallèlement, N’Djamena et Bangui ont annoncé la mise en place d’une force conjointe pour lutter contre l’insécurité à leur frontière commune de 1200 km. Le protocole d’accord qui a abouti à la matérialisation de cette force a été signé en octobre 2024. « Le chef opérationnel est déjà nommé », assure Issakha M. Djamous, ministre tchadien des armées. « Les Centrafricains et les Tchadiens ont assez souffert. Il est temps que ces deux peuples vivent dans la paix et la sécurité », a pour sa part, affirmé le ministre centrafricain de la Défense, Claude Rameaux Bireau. Pour l’instant, le nombre de soldats que comptera cette force n’est pas encore connu.
D’un autre côté, à l’issue de son procès, l’ancien directeur du cabinet du président Mahamat I. Déby Itno, Youssouf Boy, a été condamné le 9 mai à cinq ans de prison ferme pour « corruption active ». Une condamnation qui fait suite à une plainte de janvier dernier de la part de l’homme d’affaires tchadien About Hachim Bouder, qui accusait Youssouf Boy de n’avoir pas remboursé la somme de 11,8 milliards de F CFA destiné à la construction d’infrastructures dans l’est du pays, en se prévalant d’un mandat du président de la République. Le plaignant About Hachim Bouder a, lui aussi, été condamné à cinq ans de prison ferme pour « corruption passive ». Par ailleurs, en fin de mois, une vidéo TikTok d’un officier de l’armée a fait polémique. Dans celle-ci, l’intéressé a tenu des propos offensants contre la communauté Sara. Malgré la viralité de la vidéo, aucune réaction officielle n’avait été enregistrée, jusqu’à la date du 29 mai.
Source : Sahel weather May 2025
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Just as the Republic of Guinea's path towards democracy was becoming clearer, reluctance began to emerge. On 12 May, Prime Minister Amadou Oury Bah confirmed that a constitutional referendum would be held in September 2025, and that legislative and presidential elections would be held in December 2025 - good news for a country in doubt as to whether the transition timetable announced by the junta would be maintained. However, this mistrust was confirmed at the press conference on Thursday 22 May by the government spokesman, who clarified the prime minister's remarks by explaining that "we must not put the cart before the horse". "As spokesman for the Presidency, I am not in a position to give you a date for the elections, but we want to make this year an election year, in accordance with the declaration of the Head of State".
Compliance with the transition timetable is not the only concern about the democratic transition programme. The temporary suspension of 28 political parties in March 2025 has also sparked controversy among the opposition and civil society. According to several observers, this succession of suspensions reflects a desire to unbalance the electoral process to the advantage of the government in power, by weakening the opposition in the run-up to the elections. Indeed, despite the ban on members of the junta standing for election, Colonel Mamadi Doumbouya is gathering a good deal of support for his candidacy in the forthcoming presidential elections, and there seems to be some doubt about his candidacy. However, a revision of the Transitional Charter would be necessary to authorise him to stand. A decision that would run counter to the democratic principles defended and desired by the transition regime.
Vast mining "clean-up operation": the State regains control
Meanwhile, the country has ordered the withdrawal of "research permits" and "operating permits" from dozens of mining companies. The list of these companies was made public by Information Minister Fana Soumah on Guinean national television on the evening of Saturday 17 May. This operation is part of "the ongoing operation to clean up the land registry" initiated by the junta. The aim is to "make room for potential serious investors", announced the Executive Director of the NGO Action Mines Guinée and a member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) in Guinea. In reality, this is a key issue for the country, which is unable to ensure that the population benefits from the revenues generated by mining, and which is continuing its fight against corruption.
Senegal and Guinea consolidate their security partnership
The Guinea-Senegal Bilateral Cooperation Commission, held in Conakry on 22 and 23 May 2025, concluded with the signing of 15 partnership agreements covering a wide range of areas: economy, security, justice, culture, agriculture, higher education and cinema. The aim of this session was to update the legal framework for cooperation and strengthen strategic relations between the two countries. The key texts include an agreement on air services, a border demarcation treaty, agreements on justice and security, and cultural and film cooperation agreements. The two foreign ministers welcomed the spirit of collaboration and stressed the importance of effective implementation of the agreements, via a monitoring and evaluation mechanism. The next session is scheduled for 2027, with the aim of taking stock of the concrete progress made.