Selon Dr Bakary Sambe, il faut adopter une approche mixte pour lutter efficacement contre la menace extrémiste. Une démarche qui ne fait bien sûr pas fi de l’aspect militaire, mais insiste sur les  niches de radicalisation pouvant conduire au terrorisme. Ces dernières se retrouvent généralement dans l’intersection de trois paramètres. D’abord la faible capacité d’inclusion socio-économique et politique des États, ensuite les marginalisations et injustices subies par les communautés et enfin, l’aptitude des groupes extrémismes violents à instrumentaliser ces griefs.

L’efficacité dans la lutte contre l’extrémisme violent et le terrorisme requiert la mutualisation des efforts des pays de la sous-région. Dans cette optique, les autorités nigériennes privilégient la voie diplomatique afin de porter le combat dans les instances internationales, mais aussi dans les institutions régionales. En effet, le 3 avril, le président de l’Assemblée nationale nigérienne, Seyni Oumarou, devant les parlementaires ivoiriens, a proposé la mise en place d’un nouvel organe interparlementaire du G5 Sahel, afin que les parlementaires d’horizons divers de la sous-région puissent s’organiser ensemble dans la lutte contre le terrorisme.

Cet appel à l'union entre les pays du Littoral et ceux du Sahel, pour une meilleure coordination face à l’insécurité est salutaire. En effet, les difficultés en termes de coopération au sein des organes sous-régionaux qui luttent pour la sécurité, à l’image du G5 dont le Mali, ont fait que l’un des principaux acteurs se retire à cause d’une possible opposition de certains États membres à ce que le Mali ne prenne la présidence tournante du G5-Sahel.

De plus, le 24 avril, un autre incident survient suite à une déclaration du général nigérien Mahamadou Tarka dit Abou sur le Burkina Faso et le Mali. Le Président de la Haute autorité de consolidation de la paix (HACP) a déclaré que ces pays se sont détournés de certains partenaires dans la lutte contre le terrorisme.

La réaction ne s’est pas faite attendre du côté des autorités burkinabè à travers un communiqué qui précise que le général nigérien a "un besoin avéré de mise à niveau sur l’évolution du contexte sécuritaire actuel au Burkina Faso, dans le Sahel, et sur l’histoire des deux pays".

Source : Météo Sahel Timbuktu Institute

La dernière attaque terroriste du mois de février où 31 personnes ont été enlevées puis égorgées dans le village de Tola et de Gningou, au nord du Togo, est d’un effroi sans précédent. Attribuée au groupe de soutien à l’islam et aux musulmans (GSIM - JNIM), elle avait suscité l’émotion mais aussi l’indignation de la population au sujet de la stratégie de la discrétion optée par le gouvernement à propos de la menace djihadiste. Cette démarche sonne comme un aveu d’échec face à une montée fulgurante de l’extrémisme violent et du terrorisme dans les pays côtiers d’Afrique de l’ouest. Pour les dirigeants togolais, il était impératif de réagir contre la montée de la violence extrémiste débordant de plus en plus de l’épicentre sahélien. Étant frontalier du Burkina Faso en proie à des attaques terroristes, le Togo est victime d’incursions djihadistes sur son territoire notamment dans la région des Savanes, située dans l’extrême nord du pays. Depuis 2021, des groupes armés y commettent des attaques. Fort de ce constat, les autorités togolaises semblent vouloir rectifier le tir. 

En effet, le président Faure Gnassingbé a révélé ce 27 avril, date marquant l’anniversaire de l’indépendance de son pays, lors d’une interview, que les attaques djihadistes au nord du Togo ont tué 140 personnes. Pour faire face à cette menace grandissante, le chef de l’État prévoit de mettre en place « une stratégie à trois volets» qui consiste d’abord à se défendre par les armes, ensuite promouvoir la déradicalisation ou la prévention de la radicalisation, et enfin priver les terroristes du recrutement des jeunes utilisés comme combattants. 

Toujours concernant les stratégies de lutte contre le terrorisme, le parlement togolais a prolongé de 12 mois l’état d’urgence sécuritaire dans la région des Savanes, qui avait été décrété par l’exécutif, en juin 2022. Ce régime exceptionnel est mis en place pour permettre aux forces de défense et de sécurité ainsi qu’aux autorités locales de cette région, de prendre des décisions urgentes et adéquates pour lutter contre la montée de l’extrémisme violent et le terrorisme. 

Source : Météo Sahel Timbuktu Institute

La Météo Sahel revient pour les mois d’avril et mai sur l’actualité sécuritaire, sociale et politique. Pour ce nouveau numéro, neuf pays de l’espace sahélien et de l’Afrique de l’ouest sont couverts par le Timbuktu Institute. La situation actuelle dans la sous-région est dominée par la multiplication des attaques terroristes notées ces dernières semaines, provoquant de nombreuses pertes en vies humaines, blessés et déplacés. En même temps, les crises politiques viennent se greffer dans le lot Toutefois, les dirigeants continuent de mener des initiatives pour lutter contre le djihadisme malgré une actualité politique chargée avec des perspectives lourdes de risques.

Télécharger la Météo Sahel du Timbuktu Institute

Recently, Timbuktu Institute (The African Center for Peace Studies) in collaboration with Institut Français de Dakar held a civic conversation for young and vulnerable groups on the theme, ''YOUTH AND THE MEDIA : BETWEEN COMMITMENT AND CIVIC RESPONSIBILITY. The forum which was held in the village of Kaninlai in the West Coast Regions brought together students and teachers from St. Antony's Basic Cycle school, members of the media and a cross section of the local populace resident in Kanilai and other villages in the catchment area.   

The forum sensitizes students to social media’s negative and positive academic impacts. Social media can benefit students’ education in terms of research, but it can also negatively affect them by distracting them, disrupting their day-to-day activities, spreading rumors, unrealistic views of other people’s lives but also to some extent, it could lead to vulnerable groups fallen prey to extremist and radical groups operating in the sub-region.

Adji Awa Samb, Head of Cooperation and Regional Projects at Timbuktu Institute, said it is necessary to sensitize students because they are vulnerable and have no knowledge of cyber security. She told the forum that unregulated internet usage could be dangerous for young people because scammers do not distinguish between young and old. “I am delighted to have you all here. This shows that you are interested in the topic. Do not allow yourself to be distracted by social activities. Stay away from it as much as possible, but if you cannot, please use it wisely. You are all young and have a future to build. Take your education seriously, study hard and do research and always be open to your parents and teachers for discussions on issues that affect you and your education”, she opined.

Momodou Lamin Jaiteh, Kaba Communication’s manager, calls for constructive internet use. He urged the students to be aware of misinformation and disinformation and its dangers to society. He emphasized on the different role of traditional media and the new media (social media). He said in the new media, everyone is a journalist whereas in the traditional media, there are rules and regulations know as gate keepers. “In a democracy, you need the information to make informed choices, but you should not allow yourself to spread false news”, he added.

Gallow Ceesay, a Teacher at St Anthony’s Basic Cycle School, said the interface could have been better than now, saying social media consumes students’ time.

He warned students to be aware of dirty websites, scammers, and imposters on the internet while encouraging them to always scrutinize information before sharing and desist from sharing misinformation and disinformation. “Always compare the information with your teachers and be adaptive and conscious of analyzing posts”, he advised them.

Ousman Kujabi, Village Development Committee Chairman of Kanilai, also advised the students to use the internet wisely as it can improve their quest for knowledge. He said young people need to be counseled, thus calling on parents to monitor their children’s online activities.

Alpha Jallow, the Communication and Media Consultant for Timbuktu Institute, said their engagement with the students on youth access to the internet is because some of them can be brainwashed by individuals or organizations who might be working outside The Gambia by manipulating them in exchange for something.«We believe if we start sensitizing them now on these issues, there is a possibility that they will not fall as victims.”

One participant intimated to me that this kind of sensitization campaign on the usage of social media will go a long way in helping youths and other vulnerable groups to harness more knowledge and also differentiate what is 'Good news and Fake news'

The Regional Director of Timbuktu Institute, the African Center for Peace studies Dr. Bakary Sambe who have not attended the forum in Gambia due to other engagements, expressed delight and thanked all the participants for a very successful event. He however promised to organize more events in The Gambia in the near future.

The seminar concluded with interactive discussions with students as well as contributions from stakeholders.

Timbuktu Institute

On Thursday June 16, Timbuktu Institute presented a regional study on "Islam and Islamism in West Africa", in partnership with the Abidjan-based Académie Internationale de Lutte contre le Terrorisme (AILCT).

While such a subject may seem daunting to some, the study is in line with the need to move away from a security vision focused on the immediate and on emergency management, and to reflect on the long term. The first aim of the study was to distinguish between a religion that is often wrongly stigmatized and the "manipulation of religious symbols for political and ideological motives by a tiny minority seeking to justify their violent discourse, which the majority of Muslims reject and even fall victim to", explains Dr. Bakary Sambe, who coordinated the study with Dr. Lassina Diarra.

It is true that terrorism has become a regional security threat in recent decades. It often operates through radicalization "from below", diverting the attention of decision-makers and experts from its method of penetration and conquest from above.

Yet the objective remains the same: the destruction of the state entity through terrorist violence, or its gradual destructuring by undermining, through delegitimization, the democratic and republican foundations of the region's fragile states. In the case of West Africa, these initially evolved through the use of extremist ideologies stemming from political Islam, embodied by Salafism or Wahhabism, and other social pathologies. Until recently, the prevailing perception of sub-Saharan Islam as free from the influences of the Arab-Muslim world had led to a blurring of its specific features to the point of isolating it from developments affecting other societies.

In the same way that the spread of terrorism in North Africa had not sufficiently alerted us to the need to prevent the epicenter from spilling over into the Sahel, West African states had long maintained a dichotomy between the sub-Saharan and Maghreb spaces, neglecting the weight of interactions between increasingly transnational religious spaces and actors. Long locked into the "Algerian" paradigm of an ideological kinship between jihadism and religion, decision-makers showed little interest in the political expression of the instrumentalization of religion in the context of projects aimed, among other things, at challenging the republican form of the modern state in this part of the continent.

Manipulation of religious symbols and Islamo-nationalism

This study has attempted to show that, beyond its violent expression in terrorism, which is the focus of attention today, political Islam ultimately sets itself the same objectives: to control society, to destructure the State, through a slow but well-considered method of undermining its foundations and legitimacy. The long years of state disengagement since structural adjustment have fostered the rise of religious organizations, which have gradually replaced the state, eventually competing with it in key sectors such as education, social work and youth policy. States are faced with imposed dualities in regal domains, suffering from a deficit often filled by Islamist movements. Political Islam, with its Salafist and, to a lesser extent, traditional currents, is becoming a socio-political issue in the sense that it relies on the manipulation of religious symbols and forms of contestation of state policy, especially with the clear retreat of left-wing ideologies. Today, Islamism has taken over urban centers, rural areas and even university campuses, feeding on the instrumentalization of religion as an effective lever for mobilization, as well as contesting "Western hegemony" to the point of allying itself with former revolutionary tendencies that have become nationalist.

Challenging the socio-political order

To gain a better understanding of this evolution, the study retraces the itinerary of Islamism, its currents, its expansion strategies and, above all, its conquest of elites, including political elites, using the case of West African countries to show how the region's states are struggling to grasp this dynamic, which is less visible than the terrorist phenomenon. Research has also focused on strategies for challenging the socio-political order, without neglecting the explanatory variable of the ideological make-up of West African terrorist groups, which many experts on extremism attempt to question, often simply because of a lack of analytical grids.

In considering new regional trends and prospects for Islamism in West Africa, much attention has been paid to the emergence of socialization spaces in competition with public power, which can lead to a rise in religious conflict or the instrumentalization of denominational allegiances, such as the feared clash between radical Islam and certain evangelical currents. The same applies to the link between the growing power of conquering Salafist tendencies and the risk of ethnic-religious tensions in certain countries, as well as to trends towards a gradual "normalization" of Salafism, far from the perception that "Western" analysts may have of it.

Strategy to delegitimize West African states:

Salafist currents are increasingly able to shed their "imported" character, despite the action of the Gulf States, and are establishing themselves more and more as an "endogenous" reality that is also part of the politically buoyant issue of challenging the West and defending "societal values". Added to this is the increasingly pronounced demand for greater representation of religious elites and values in the management of the state and public affairs, promoting a certain "Islamic morality" which, from their point of view, could come to the rescue of secularized governance deemed out of touch with local realities. An ongoing process of delegitimization of the state that should attract greater attention and research interest. 

This awareness of the need for a paradigm shift is particularly important in a regional context marked by a certain fragility of institutions and social equilibria, where all states face the complex challenges of having to build national resilience in an increasingly unstable regional environment.