According to the regional director of the Timbuktu Institute, at a seminar on Tuesday on "the consequences of disinformation in the Sahel", Senegal, which is also a victim of this scourge, particularly during election periods, must pay attention and develop mechanisms to eradicate it.

"Our country needs to be vigilant about the development of platforms, but also about the control of information. What's more, it needs to show resilience in the face of misinformation and its consequences for young people, who are more connected than ever. We are consumers of information, but we are also transmitters of information".

he recalls.

Source : www.dakaractu.com

In Africa, and more particularly in the Sahel, election periods are times of general tension and tension, and in a context of disinformation, the risks are heightened. This was the theme of a seminar organized by the Timbuktu Institute in partnership with Meta, on February 27 in Dakar, on "The stakes of disinformation and the challenges of social cohesion and democracy in the Sahel". Moderated by CESTI Director Mamadou Ndiaye, the discussions highlighted the threats to stability posed by misinformation, and stressed the need to promote fact-checking and media education. In short, greater responsibility on the part of the media and citizens, who are becoming both consumers and producers of information in the age of social networks.

The sub-region is experiencing a "paradox", says Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute. Observing that young people in the 90s who fought for democratization are today in the crowds welcoming as heroes the new players who come to power by force, he wonders "whether a democratic disenchantment cannot explain the fact that ex-freedom fighters today give a standing ovation to those who come to power undemocratically." In his book "Ill Winds", American political scientist Larry Diamond offers a diagnosis of what he sees as the unfavorable winds for democracy, including "American recklessness", "Russian anger" and "Chinese ambition". However, for the director of the Timbuktu Institute, a fourth parameter needs to be added: "the inconsistencies of Western powers, but also of local authorities, which have led democracy astray".

Among other things, he regrets that this misuse of democracy "has transformed elections, which were supposed to be moments of celebration and democratic festivity, into moments of anxiety and risk". As a result, in these tense moments marked by a competitive context, "a digital jungle is emerging, where those who master the technicalities can have the upper hand over those who live by the rules of ethics, and the manipulation of information is becoming a crucial issue where digital armies produce disinformation campaigns, even harassment of political figures", he adds. Between 2002 and 2014 in sub-Saharan Africa, he warns, "election periods caused more than 5,000 deaths. In other words, they are just as critical as new border or environmental threats." Faced with an unprecedented flow of information that makes discernment difficult and has led to "infobesity", the new informational cold war in the sub-region is amplifying the conspiracy theories that are now proliferating, all the more so as "it is certain States themselves that sometimes indulge in disinformation, and also, political socialization is also taking place via the Internet, with a leader's political status or popularity becoming a matter of the number of clicks and followers", he points out.

Disinformation and information warfare, the new Pandora's box?

For Abdourahamane Dicko, lecturer and researcher at the University of Zinder (Niger), "we have to start from the principle that the issue of disinformation must be analyzed in its multidimensional character. Insofar as, he believes, "the Nigerien state has failed by creating a collective fear around freedom of expression. Today, not only is political socialization based on ethnolinguistic affiliation, but some communities - in this case the Peul - are labelled as sympathizers of the jihadists". This situation, exacerbated by widespread misinformation," he warns, "is fertile ground for the proliferation of inter-community conflicts in the Sahel. Pointing out that it is important to contextualize the phenomenon of disinformation, the Nigerian, associate researcher at the Timbuktu Institute, proposes the term "coaching politics in a situation where disinformation is knowingly manufactured and disseminated, the state participates in its popularization."

Faced with this disruption of the information field, Beninese investigative journalist Ignace Sossou recommends observing "an ethic of use of social networks", which is both attentive to the opportunities and to the shortcomings of these platforms. According to him, in a context of "liberalization of the media space, with the proliferation of private media and influencers who are antechambers of disinformation, the journalist's duty is to systematically go further in his or her approach." In other words, armed with ethics and deontology, the journalist must be able to separate the wheat from the chaff of the networks, while maintaining a reflex: that of fact-checking. "It should no longer be seen as a tool reserved for the media world, but should be taught to everyone, especially young people, so as to cultivate their critical faculties", recommends the fact-checking trainer.

Given that misinformation is a sprawling challenge, Tidiani Togola, Civic-Tech specialist in Mali, believes that "a strategy built around media education and digital literacy" is needed. This strategy should be part of a "holistic approach that takes into account researchers, governments, civil society and users, with the aim of engaging platforms to better identify local contexts". In his view, given that the Sahel is "plagued by social tensions and the industrialization of disinformation", it would be wise for platforms to "engage in local partnerships, to support initiatives to combat and research disinformation, not only by promoting fact-checking in school curricula, but also through awareness-raising campaigns in local languages". All this could make a lasting contribution to cleaning up the social networking environment in the Sahel.

Media literacy: a compass for greater stability?

"Media and information literacy is both a supply and a demand," says Yacine Diagne, a teacher-researcher at CESTI. Unfortunately, however, "the overcrowded school system doesn't lend itself to it, especially as education in Africa is overwhelmed and teachers can't keep up with the demands placed on them." Because worse than misinformation, she observes an "information disorder insidiously mixing misinformation-malinformation-misinformation where we can't expect public authorities, who repress, to promote media education." To achieve this, the media specialist suggests "African-style education, via local communities, at grassroots level".

Bakary Sambe agrees, reminding us that "education is a weapon for the massive construction of citizenship." He continues: "The democratization of access to and dissemination of information requires a new type of education. Today, everyone is both a sender and a consumer of information. That's why we need to return to more democratic ethics in the use of the media, without forgetting the role of governments, because it's sometimes the absence of democracy that fertilizes the breeding ground for disinformation.

According to Valdez Onanina, editor-in-chief of Africa Check, "fact-checking is actually consubstantial with the work of journalism. The fact is, if there's so much talk about it nowadays, it's because journalistic work is poorly done." To a participant who feels that social networks have become "public dumps", he finds that such an attitude of mind could be counterproductive thinking. "We have to accept the fact that social networks occupy a considerable amount of public space. It would be playing against ourselves to distance ourselves from them, since we're already behind the times when it comes to digitalization. What's more, disinformation now serves both ideological and economic purposes, as we've seen with Story Killers", he explains.

Meta's commitment to combating misinformation in the Sahel

Meta's Public Policy Manager for French-speaking Africa, Olivia Tchamba, reiterated their approach to combating misinformation, insisting on the existence of community standards for the use of platforms at Meta to better demonstrate the authenticity of content. False viral information likely to cause physical or other damage is therefore not authorized by the platform.

So, in a more inclusive approach and with the aim of striking the right balance between the issue of freedom of expression and the ability to give users the freedom to create communities and exchange on what interests them, Meta is partnering with a category of players who have the ability to verify content. These include collaboration with journalists through the "NoFalseNewsZone" fact-checking incubation and mentoring program, running in five countries: Côte d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which aims to support local media in the fight against misinformation, but also, in a more holistic approach, Digital Literacy to help users understand how to take advantage of all the benefits that digital offers.

In general, Olivia Tchamba recalled that Meta had set up a number of programs in Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire and other Sahelian countries, notably the digital literacy caravan through the "Mon univers digital" program, which aims to help users gain a better understanding of how to search for and critically analyze information, for a more judicious and responsible use of the platform. In addition, Meta has launched "an awareness campaign on social networks and radio, on disinformation and the fight against online hate speech, in the context of the presidential election. The main objective is to show the merits and interest of young people's participation in the electoral process", Olivia Tchamba hopes.

Source: Timbuktu Institute - March 2024

Dans un entretien accordé au quotidien national « Le Soleil », Bakary Sambe, directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute- African Center for Peace Studies, soutient que le choix porté sur la Mauritanie pour la première visite officielle du président Bassirou Diomaye Faye est « logique et diplomatiquement pertinent. »

Le Président de la République, Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye a effectué sa première visite à l’internationale en Mauritanie le jeudi 18 avril dernier. Comment expliquez-vous ce choix porté sur ce pays voisin pour sa première visite officielle en tant que Chef de l’Etat ?

Le choix de la Mauritanie pour une première sortie à l’international du Président Bassirou Diomaye Faye peut se passer de toute explication car logique et diplomatiquement pertinent. Vous savez, s’agissant des relations sénégalo-mauritaniennes, certains diplomates parlent souvent d’un même peuple dans deux États frères. Ces relations qui sont, tout d’abord, humaines plongent leurs racines dans l’histoire profonde commune avant même l’existence internationale des deux pays. Il est historiquement établi que le Trarza, mais aussi, le Guidimakha, entre autres, ont constitué un continuum socioculturel et humain à l’origine de brassages et d’infinies interactions expliquant mieux que tout autre facteur, la nature durable des rapports entre le Sénégal et la Mauritanie. Les relations diplomatiques se sont sans cesse renforcées et ont connu un regain d’intensification avec les récentes découvertes d’hydrocarbures qui instaurent de fait une autre communauté de destin en plus des rapports historiques dans un contexte géopolitique complexe et une reconfiguration des relations et des rapports internationaux. L’actuelle présidence mauritanienne de l’Union africaine faisant suite à celle des Comores après celle du Sénégal devra, d’ailleurs, s’inscrire dans cette même lignée d’une meilleure affirmation de la place d’une Afrique changeant de statut dans un contexte inédit où le basculement géopolitique de notre continent vers quelque bloc que ce soit pourrait durablement impacter les rapports de force au niveau international. L’arrivée à la tête du Sénégal d’un Président appartenant à une nouvelle génération consciente de la nécessité d’un meilleur positionnement panafricain coïncidant avec la présidence mauritanienne de l’Union africaine, devrait aider à réaffirmer ce besoin de synergie dans la défense des intérêts économiques et géostratégiques du continent. Le Président Ghazouani qui était d’ailleurs parmi les chefs d’États présents lors de l’investiture de Bassirou Diomaye Faye n’est pas sans une grande conscience de cette nécessité historique d’un shift panafricain n'excluant pas l’ouverture au monde mais profondément enraciné dans la défense des intérêts du continent.

Quels sont les enjeux, sécuritaires, politiques et économiques de cette visite ?

Il est clair qu’on ne peut occulter le caractère stratégique d’une telle visite dans un contexte sahélien et ouest-africain en profonde mutation et faisant face aux plus grands défis sécuritaires avec la menace terroriste qui ne connaît plus de frontières. Il y a, aussi, la reconfiguration des alliances au niveau sous-régionale et le nouveau rôle qui se dessine pour le Sénégal de renforcer tout en consolidant et, au besoin, faisant évoluer l’intégration sous-régionale et africaine. La coopération sécuritaire entre les deux pays qui s’est même décentralisée avec l’implication des administrations territoriales et locales devra être renforcée parce qu’il y va d’une forme de sécurité commune qui s’impose désormais aux deux pays. La stratégie d’insistance et de harcèlement de la part des groupes terroristes par défaut de possibilité d’ancrage logistique réel sur le territoire, les attaques mineures sporadiques depuis la Forêt de Wagadou à travers la région voisine de Kayes de même que les tentatives d’infiltration depuis la zone de Melga - commune de Djelegou, Cercle de Kayes- sur le continuum du Guidimakha liant la Mauritanie, le Sénégal et le Mali et menant vers Sélibabi et Bakel sont des signaux assez suffisants pour le renforcement voire l’intensification de la coopération sécuritaire. Sur ce plan les deux pays sont appelés à échanger leurs bonnes pratiques avec l’expérience mauritanienne en matière de contre-terrorisme mais aussi celle sénégalaise dans la prévention jusqu’ici efficace et le renforcement de la résilience à travers une approche mixte intégrant les dimensions sécurité humaine par le désenclavement infrastructurel et la sécurisation des régions exposées de même que la pleine implication des communautés locales. En plus de la proximité socioculturelle, les deux pays ont tout à gagner dans une synergie renforcée en s’appuyant sur leurs leviers pertinents et surtout la mutualisation de leurs capacités.

Quels sont les leviers sur lesquels les deux chefs d’Etat doivent s’appuyer pour consolider davantage leurs relations bilatérales ?

Les deux chefs d'État semblent avoir longuement discuté du projet commun sur le gisement de gaz naturel Grand Tortue Ahmeyim (GTA), à leur frontière maritime, développé par le Britannique BP avec l'Américain Kosmos Energy, la Société mauritanienne des hydrocarbures (SMH) et la société publique sénégalaise Petrosen. Rien que ce projet structurant de coopération économique illustre parfaitement la nature hyper-stratégque de la relation entre les deux pays. Cette visite a été d’un enjeu fondamental et un choix pertinent dans le contexte actuel mais la coopération mériterait d’être creusée et poursuivie avec une plus grande approche prospective constante. La stratégie apaisante adoptée dans la gestion commune du bloc Grande Tortue Ahmeyim, a été la moins conflictuelle, conforme à la nature de nos relations et garante de stabilité permettant, ainsi, une exploitation sereine et durable de la ressource par les deux pays concernés. Notre pays semble bien s’être bien préparé avec tous les dispositifs mis en place dans cette perspective. C’est pourquoi, le Sénégal pourrait s’inscrire dans une double stratégie de co-efficacité et de coopération renforcée avec la Mauritanie dans le cadre de la mutualisation des capacités notamment en appuyant la formation des cadres et gestionnaires mauritaniens de la ressource gazière vitale pour nos deux pays avec les possibilités qu’offre l’Institut National du Pétrole et du Gaz (INPG). Il serait même possible d’envisager une facilitation d’accès à l’INPG aux privés mauritaniens dans leur diversité comme aux cadres du secteur public de ce pays ami. Il y a, en plus, un véritable socle à cette coopération scientifique avec une longue tradition d’échanges universitaires perpétuée par des générations de hauts cadres mauritaniens qui ont été formés au Sénégal y compris parmi le leadership politique et économique actuel.

In Africa, and more particularly in the Sahel, election periods are times of general tension and tension building, and in a context of disinformation, the risks are heightened. This was the theme of a seminar organized by the Timbuktu Institute in partnership with Meta, on February 27 in Dakar, on "The stakes of disinformation and the challenges of social cohesion and democracy in the Sahel". Moderated by CESTI Director Mamadou Ndiaye, the discussions highlighted the threats to stability posed by misinformation, and stressed the need to promote fact-checking and media education. In short, greater responsibility on the part of the media and citizens, who are becoming both consumers and producers of information in the age of social networks.

The sub-region is experiencing a "paradox", says Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute. Observing that young people in the 90s who fought for democratization are today in the crowds welcoming as heroes the new players who come to power by force, he wonders "whether a democratic disenchantment cannot explain the fact that ex-freedom fighters today give a standing ovation to those who come to power undemocratically." In his book "Ill Winds", American political scientist Larry Diamond offers a diagnosis of what he sees as the unfavorable winds for democracy, including "american recklessness", "russian anger" and "chinese ambition". However, for the director of the Timbuktu Institute, a fourth parameter needs to be added: "the inconsistencies of Western powers, but also of local authorities, which have led democracy astray".

Among other things, he regrets that this misuse of democracy "has transformed elections, which were supposed to be moments of celebration and democratic festivity, into moments of anxiety and risk". As a result, in these tense moments marked by a competitive context, "a digital jungle is emerging, where those who master the technicalities can have the upper hand over those who live by the rules of ethics, and the manipulation of information is becoming a crucial issue where digital armies produce disinformation campaigns, even harassment of political figures", he adds. Between 2002 and 2014 in sub-Saharan Africa, he warns, "more than 5,000 people died during election periods. In other words, they are just as critical as new border or environmental threats." Faced with an unprecedented flow of information that makes discernment difficult and has led to "infobesity", the new informational cold war in the sub-region is amplifying the conspiracy theories that are now proliferating, all the more so as "it is certain States themselves that sometimes indulge in disinformation, and also, political socialization is also taking place via the Internet, with a leader's political status or popularity becoming a matter of the number of clicks and followers", he points out. 

Disinformation and information warfare, the new Pandora's box?

For Abdourahamane Dicko, lecturer and researcher at the University of Zinder (Niger), "we have to start from the principle that the issue of disinformation must be analyzed in its multidimensional character. Insofar as, he believes, "the Nigerien state has failed by creating a collective fear around freedom of expression. Today, not only is political socialization based on ethnolinguistic affiliation, but some communities - in this case the Peul - are labelled as sympathizers of the jihadists". This situation, exacerbated by widespread misinformation, he warns, "is fertile ground for the proliferation of inter-community conflicts in the Sahel. Pointing out that it is important to contextualize the phenomenon of disinformation, the Nigerian, associate researcher at the Timbuktu Institute, proposes the term "coaching politics in a situation where disinformation is knowingly manufactured and disseminated, the state participates in its popularization."

Faced with this disruption of the information field, beninese investigative journalist Ignace Sossou recommends observing "an ethic of use of social networks", which is both attentive to the opportunities and to the shortcomings of these platforms. According to him, in a context of "liberalization of the media space, with the proliferation of private media and influencers who are antechambers of disinformation, the journalist's duty is to systematically go further in his or her approach." In other words, armed with ethics and deontology, the journalist must be able to separate the wheat from the chaff of the networks, while maintaining a reflex: that of fact-checking. "It should no longer be seen as a tool reserved for the media world, but should be taught to everyone, especially young people, so as to cultivate their critical faculties", recommends the fact-checking trainer.

Given that misinformation is a sprawling challenge, Tidiani Togola, Civic-Tech specialist in Mali, believes that "a strategy built around media education and digital literacy" is needed. This strategy should be part of a "holistic approach that takes into account researchers, governments, civil society and users, with the aim of engaging platforms to better identify local contexts". In his view, given that the Sahel is "plagued by social tensions and the industrialization of disinformation", it would be wise for platforms to "engage in local partnerships, to support initiatives to combat and research disinformation, not only by promoting fact-checking in school curricula, but also through awareness-raising campaigns in local languages". All this could make a lasting contribution to cleaning up the social networking environment in the Sahel.

Media literacy: a compass for greater stability?

"Media and information literacy is both a supply and a demand" says Yacine Diagne, a teacher-researcher at CESTI. Unfortunately, however, "the overcrowded school system doesn't lend itself to it, especially as education in Africa is overwhelmed and teachers can't keep up with the demands placed on them." Because worse than misinformation, she observes an "information disorder insidiously mixing misinformation-malinformation-misinformation where we can't expect public authorities, who repress, to promote media education." To achieve this, the media specialist suggests "African-style education, via local communities, at grassroots level".

Bakary Sambe agrees, reminding us that "education is a weapon for the massive construction of citizenship." He continues: "The democratization of access to and dissemination of information requires a new type of education. Today, everyone is both a sender and a consumer of information. That's why we need to return to more democratic ethics in the use of the media, without forgetting the role of governments, because it's sometimes the absence of democracy that fertilizes the breeding ground for disinformation.”

According to Valdez Onanina, editor-in-chief of Africa Check, "fact-checking is actually consubstantial with the work of journalism. The fact is, if there's so much talk about it nowadays, it's because journalistic work is poorly done." To a participant who feels that social networks have become "public dumps", he finds that such an attitude of mind could be counterproductive thinking. "We have to accept the fact that social networks occupy a considerable amount of public space. It would be playing against ourselves to distance ourselves from them, since we're already behind the times in terms of digitalization, and what's more, disinformation now serves ideological and economic purposes, as we saw with the Story Killers", he explains.

Meta's engagement in the fight against disinformation in the Sahel

Meta's Public Policy Manager for French-speaking Africa, Olivia Tchamba, recalled their approach to the fight against misinformation, stressing the existence of community standards for the use of Meta platforms to better demonstrate the authenticity of content. False, viral information likely to cause physical or other damage is therefore not authorized by the platform.
So, in a more inclusive approach and with the aim of striking the right balance between the issue of freedom of expression and the ability to give users the freedom to create communities and exchange on what interests them, Meta is partnering with a category of players who have the ability to verify content. These include collaboration with journalists through the "NoFalseNewsZone" fact-checking incubation and mentoring program, running in five countries: Côte d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which aims to support local media in the fight against misinformation, but also, in a more holistic approach, Digital Literacy to help users understand how to take advantage of all the benefits that digital offers.

In general, Olivia Tchamba recalled that Meta had set up a number of programs in Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire and other Sahelian countries, notably the digital literacy caravan through the "Mon univers digital" program, which aims to help users gain a better understanding of how to search for and critically analyze information, for a more judicious and responsible use of the platform. In addition, Meta has launched "an awareness campaign on social networks and radio, on disinformation and the fight against online hate speech, in the context of the presidential election. The main objective is to show the merits and interest of young people's participation in the electoral process", Olivia Tchamba says.

Source: Timbuktu Institute - March 2024