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(IGPSA) - L’IGPSA vise à promouvoir les approches multilatérales sur les enjeux de paix, de sécurité et de développement sur le continent africain. Après une 1ère édition particulièrement réussie, l’IGPSA tiendra son 2ème webinaire le 29 novembre de 11h00 à 12h30 (UTC+1). Ouvert à tous, il permettra de mieux comprendre l’engagement du Japon en Afrique, ses réalisations et ses spécificités.
Organisé en partenariat avec le Timbuktu Institute, il sera ouvert par M. Osamu IZAWA, ambassadeur du Japon au Sénégal, et réunira trois personnalités dont les parcours et expertises promettent des échanges de haut-niveau :
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Mme. Sayoko UESU, chercheuse associée au National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS) de Tokyo, spécialiste des questions africaines ;
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M. Bakary SAMBE, Directeur du Timbuktu Institute-African Center for Peace Studies (Dakar, Niamey) ;
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M. Giovanni FALEG, responsable de l'analyse et de la recherche sur l'Afrique subsaharienne à l'Institut d'études de sécurité de l'Union européenne (EUISS)
Les discussions seront animées par M. Oumarou BARRY. Journaliste résidant à Tokyo, il a notamment été rédacteur en chef de deux émissions de télévision panafricaines particulièrement suivies : Business Africa et Initiative Africa.
Après une présentation succincte de la politique africaine du Japon, les intervenants partageront leurs points de vue sur ses réalisations et ses singularités.
Leurs interventions reviendront en particulier sur l’action du Premier ministre Shinzo Abe (2012-2020). Son intérêt pour l’Afrique s’est illustré par la délocalisation pour la première fois de la TICAD (Tokyo International Conference on African Development) sur le continent africain, au Kenya en 2016. Ces dernières années, cette grande rencontre internationale annuelle a été marquée par l’implication croissante du secteur privé japonais.
A cette occasion, les intervenants analyseront l’actualité récente de la coopération Japon- Afrique et reviendront sur la TICAD 8, tenue en août 2022 à Tunis, alors que le Sénégal assure la présidence tournante de l’Union Africaine. Le Premier ministre japonais, Fumio Kishida, y a tenu des propos forts, jugeant nécessaire de « remédier à une injustice historique » pour que l'Afrique obtienne un siège permanent au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU. Le même responsable a ajouté que le Japon poussera dans cette direction quand il y sera un membre non permanent en 2023-2024.
S’agissant de la nouvelle coopération du Japon avec l'Afrique, elle s’organise dorénavant autour de trois grands axes qui sont une accélération de la croissance avec des investissements dans l'économie verte et les startups, une économie résiliente avec un soutien à la production de médicaments et vaccins et la sécurité alimentaire et enfin, la paix et la sécurité en soutenant les médiations et la prévention des conflits. Sa mise en œuvre sera soutenue par l’octroi de 30 milliards de dollars de fonds privés et publics à l'Afrique sur trois ans.
Les discussions se clôtureront par une session de questions réponses entre les intervenants et les participants. Ce webinaire est ouvert à tous. L’organisation invite les intéressés à s’inscrire en envoyant un mail avec pour objet « WEBINAIRE IGPSA Japon » à l’adresse Cette adresse e-mail est protégée contre les robots spammeurs. Vous devez activer le JavaScript pour la visualiser..
A propos de l’IGPSA
L’Initiative Globale pour la Paix et la Sécurité en Afrique (IGPSA) vise à promouvoir les approches multilatérales sur les enjeux de paix, de sécurité et de développement sur le continent africain. Se voulant être un trait d’union entre le continent européen et l’Afrique, l’IGPSA s’inscrit dans la dynamique née de l’édition 2021 du Forum international de Dakar sur la Paix et la Sécurité en Afrique et doit permettre de poursuivre et d’approfondir les riches échanges entamés à cette occasion, tant par les responsables politiques que par les experts au profit d’une meilleure compréhension mutuelle.
Tournée vers la jeunesse et les talents, cette Initiative se veut résolument ouverte, inclusive et participative. À travers des publications et des rencontres, l’IGPSA ambitionne d’aborder des sujets stratégiques aussi variés que les questions relatives à l’autonomisation stratégique des pays africains, la consolidation et la coordination des mécanismes de coopération, la promotion des bonnes pratiques en matière de gouvernance et de développement, la lutte contre les nouvelles menaces, notamment la cybercriminalité et la désinformation.
Le lancement de l’Initiative Globale pour la Paix et la Sécurité a été soutenu par l’Union européenne.
Source : Ecofin
The COVID-19 pandemic and its outbreak in Ghana highlighted the multiple roles religious actors can play in crisis management. The pandemic showed that beyond winning souls, shaping morals and preaching the word of God, religious organizations can contribute to policy-decision-making and sensitization to manage life-threatening situations. They exhibited this through collaboration with government and state institutions in planning, sensitizing, and implementing rules and protocols to manage the COVID-19 pandemic in Ghana. Concurrently, the pandemic has demonstrated that religious actors can challenge the authority of governments if their practices contravene established rules and protocols. This policy paper analyzes the specific case of Ghana by drawing future lessons for religious actors, what they can continue to do to further contribute to manage the health crisis, and policy recommendations for government’s action.
La scène politique sénégalaise est parfois marquée par des actes de violences qui finissent par poser la question de la liberté d’expression et des opinions, mais également la question du vivre-ensemble dans le cadre d’un engagement citoyen serein. Ces violences entravent un débat public sain et productif au point de représenter une réelle menace pour le système démocratique. Une situation qui interpelle l’Etat, les acteurs politiques et la société civile sur la nécessité de travailler dans le sens d’une pacification de l’espace politique surtout depuis les émeutes violentes qu’a récemment connues le Sénégal. Des initiatives nationales allant dans ce sens ont été portées par le Cadre Unitaire de l’Islam au Sénégal, le clergé catholique mais aussi les légitimités religieuses et traditionnelles en amont des dernières élections locales. Après Mbour et Tambacounda, Timbuktu Institute en partenariat avec la Fondation Konrad Adenauer vient d’organiser de nouvelles sessions de dialogue dans la région de Sédhiou, au sud du Sénégal, ce 9 novembre 2022.
« Nécessité de pacifier l’espace politique sénégalais »
Pour le Timbuktu Institute, cette initiative répond à la nécessité de pacification de l’espace publique avec un programme d’actions à multiples composantes pour, à la fois, mener la réflexion stratégique permettant une anticipation sur les risques de violences politiques et l’identification des acteurs pertinents et de leviers, à même d’atteindre l’objectif de non-violence dans l’espace politique.
Ce partenariat a abouti à l’initiative « Engagement citoyen et prévention de la violence politique » qui comporte une recherche-action et des Sessions de dialogue multi acteurs impliquant les femmes et les jeunes des partis politiques, les acteurs de la société civile, les représentants des forces de sécurité et les leaders religieux de toutes confessions.
Une initiative chaleureusement accueillie par les acteurs locaux et les autorités
Les autorités étatiques de même que le Commissaire central de Sédhiou, religieuses dont le Curé et l’Imam de Sédhiou et coutumières de Sédhiou, le Conseil communal de la jeunesse de Sédhiou, les jeunes et les femmes des partis politiques, étaient représentés ; ce qui a valu des débats très interactifs et dans le respect des opinions de chacun.
Au sortir de cette journée de dialogue, tous les participants ont formulé des recommandations et se sont engagés à perpétuer de telles initiatives à travers « la Déclaration de Sédhiou ». Par cette dernière, l’ensemble des acteurs et participants qui sont de véritables relais communautaires, se sont engagés à œuvrer dans le cadre d’initiatives concertées à la prévention et à la lutte contre la violence politique sous toutes ses formes.
Source : Le Soleil
03/11/2022
Avec le 31e Sommet de la Ligue des Etats arabes qui s'est tenu les 1er et 2 novembre à Alger, Dr Bakary Sambe, Directeur du Timbuktu Institute, expert des réseaux transnationaux et spécialiste et observateur averti des relations arabo-africaines, est revenu sur cette organisation. Pour lui, avec l'invitation du Président Macky Sall par la Ligue arabe, on est en train d'assister à un simple retour de l'histoire du Sénégal à sa place et à son leadership historique.
Alger a accueilli, les 1er et 2 novembre, le 31eSommet de la Ligue des États arabes. Le Chef de l'Etat Macky Sall, Président en exercice de l'Union africaine, a été invité à cette rencontre par son homologue algérien, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. Interrogé par “Le Soleil” sur la signification de cette invitation, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Directeur du Timbuktu Institute, expert des réseaux transnationaux et spécialiste et observateur averti des relations arabo-africaines, explique qu'avec la participation sénégalaise à cette rencontre, « on est en train d'assister à un simple retour de l'histoire et du Sénégal à sa place et à son leadership historique ».
Avec ce retour du Sénégal et de l'UA au sommet de la Ligue arabe, Bakary Sambe est d'avis que les choses reviennent à la normale parce qu'en plein cycle de sécheresse au Sahel, alors que les partenaires européens classiques étaient frappés par le choc pétrolier, les pays arabes avaient décidé, au cours du sixième sommet des Chefs d'Etats arabes tenu à Alger (26 au 28 novembre 1973), d'apporter une aide à l'Afrique subsaharienne. Il a mentionné aussi la création de la Badea, du Fonds arabe spécial d'aide à l'Afrique (Fasaa) sans oublier le fait que le conseil de la Ligue arabe de Tunis avait approuvé le principe de la création d'un Fonds arabe d'assistance technique à l'Afrique (Fataa).
Bakary Sambe qui a consacré sa thèse de doctorat et quelques ouvrages dont «Islam et diplomatie» (2011), « Contestations islamisées : Le Sénégal entre diplomatie d'influence et islam politique» (2018), aux relations diplomatiques entre le Sénégal et le monde arabe a soutenu que «ce sommet d'Alger a rendu au Sénégal la place qui, historiquement et symboliquement, lui revenait». Il y voit même un symbole parce que suite aux sommets d'Alger et de Tunis, pour la première fois, une conférence ministérielle conjointe arabo-africaine s'était tenue à Dakar du 15 au 22 avril 1976, en vue d'examiner le projet de coopération afro-arabe, son contenu, ses modalités et ses moyens d'action.
Retombées de la conférence afro-arabe de 1976 à Dakar
Dr Sambe précise que la tenue de cette conférence ministérielle afro-arabe de 1976 à Dakar fut, à l'époque, la résultante, de négociations entre le Sénégal et des pays arabes comme l'Égypte, l'Arabie Saoudite et le Koweït qui reçurent une visite historique du Président Senghor dans ce sillage. "Il ne faut pas oublier qu'à la suite de cette conférence de Dakar de 1976, il y aura le premier Sommet historique afro-arabe de mars 1977. À l'issue de ce sommet, d'importantes décisions furent prises pour augmenter l'aide publique arabe aux pays africains. Et des efforts ont été consentis par les pays arabes exportateurs de pétrole pour assister les pays africains », indique-t-il. Les surplus financiers ont contribué, à l'époque, à la réalisation de projets dans plusieurs pays africains et, notamment, au Sénégal avec la réalisation des barrages de Diama et de Manantali ainsi que le projet des industries chimiques du Sénégal (Ics).
Le Sénégal, « trait d'union entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe »
Quant au présent sommet, le spécialiste estime qu'il permettra aussi de booster la coopération entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe qui sont « anciennes ». « Les relations entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe sont historiquement et géographiquement ancrées. N'oublions pas qu'un arabe sur trois est africain et trois quarts de la superficie du monde arabe se trouve sur le continent africain. La réalité géopolitique avec les réseaux transnationaux et les enjeux sécuritaires et de migration continuent de nous rappeler que le Sahara n'a jamais été une barrière infranchissable, mais une véritable mer intérieure qui a toujours invité à passer d'un rivage à un autre », a expliqué Dr Sambe.
Le professeur Sambe renchérit qu'au moment où l'on annonce la zone de libre-échange continentale et qu'aussi bien l'Afrique que le monde arabe sont dans une dynamique inédite et irréversible de diversification de leurs partenariats, une nouvelle chance s'offre pour les deux ensembles géopolitiques complémentaires à tout point de vue.
"L'entrée en jeu d'un Sénégal présidant l'UA et en tant que trait d'union, continuum socio-historique et géographique entretenant les meilleures relations avec ses pairs africains et ses partenaires arabes, pourrait être un avantage considérable pour propulser ces rapports à leur meilleur niveau jamais atteint”, considère le Directeur du Timbuktu Institute.
Le sommet se tient autour de l'enjeu de la réunification du monde arabe et le Sénégal en tant que pays entretenant de bonnes relations avec toutes les parties peut avoir un rôle important à y jouer. « Le monde arabe, comme tous nos pays, est traversé par des contradictions et des différends qui opposent les membres de la Ligue arabe. Je fais partie de ceux qui croient que le Sénégal, entre autres leviers, premier pays ayant accueilli un sommet de l'Organisation de la conférence islamique (Oci) en Afrique sub-saharienne, pourrait avoir un rôle déterminant dans le raffermissement de ces relations. Notre pays est l'un des rares du monde musulman à pouvoir parler à tous les autres ; c'est d'ailleurs cette posture qui a facilité la présence du Sénégal unanimement acceptée à ce sommet », dit l'observateur du monde arabe.
Retour du non-alignement ?
Dr Bakary Sambe voit dans la redynamisation de la coopération entre l'Afrique et le monde arabe la relance du non-alignement dans un monde où la division est exacerbée par le conflit entre la Russie et l'Ukraine. « C'est comme si l'ancien concept de non-alignement était en train d'être revitalisé et correspond parfaitement à l'esprit du tiers-mondisme des années 1950, suite à la fameuse conférence de Bandoeng à l'époque des leaders charismatiques du monde arabe et de l'Afrique comme Nasser et Nkrumah.
Aujourd'hui, c'est une Afrique nouvelle qui rencontre un monde arabe qui s'interroge au moment où la présidence sénégalaise sous l'égide de Macky Sall est en train de réussir le positionnement de l'UA, comme une réalité géopolitique affirmée priorisant les intérêts stratégiques du continent et la diversification des partenariats comme réaffirmé lors du récent Forum de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité », a souligné Dr Bakary Sambe.
Oumar KANDE
"The Algiers summit restored Senegal to its historical and symbolic place in Arab-African relations”
With the 31st summit of the League of Arab States held on November 1 and 2 in Algiers, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, expert in transnational networks and a specialist and informed observer of Arab-African relations, returned to this organization. For him, with the invitation of President Macky Sall by the Arab League, we are witnessing a simple return of the history of Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.
Algiers hosted the 31st Summit of the League of Arab States on November 1 and 2. The Head of State Macky Sall, current Chairman of the African Union, was invited to this meeting by his Algerian counterpart, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. When asked by "Le Soleil" about the significance of this invitation, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, an expert on transnational networks and an informed observer of Arab-African relations, explained that with Senegal's participation in this meeting, "we are witnessing a simple return of history and Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.
With the return of Senegal and the AU to the Arab League summit, Bakary Sambe believes that things are returning to normal because in the midst of the drought cycle in the Sahel, while the traditional European partners were hit by the oil crisis, the Arab countries had decided, during the sixth summit of Arab Heads of State held in Algiers (26 to 28 November 1973), to provide assistance to sub-Saharan Africa. He also mentioned the creation of Badea, the Special Arab Fund for Aid to Africa (Fasaa) without forgetting the fact that the Council of the Arab League in Tunis had approved the principle of creating an Arab Fund for Technical Assistance to Africa (Fataa).
Bakary Sambe, who devoted his doctoral thesis and several books including "Islam and diplomacy" (2011), "Contestations islamisées : Le Sénégal entre diplomatie d'influence et islam politique" (2018), to diplomatic relations between Senegal and the Arab world argued that "this Algiers summit has returned to Senegal the place that historically and symbolically belonged to him." He even sees a symbol because following the summits of Algiers and Tunis, for the first time, a joint Arab-African ministerial conference was held in Dakar from 15 to 22 April 1976, to examine the project of Afro-Arab cooperation, its content, its modalities and its means of action.
Impact of the 1976 Afro-Arab Conference in Dakar
Dr. Sambe explains that the holding of this 1976 Afro-Arab ministerial conference in Dakar was, at the time, the result of negotiations between Senegal and Arab countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, which received a historic visit from President Senghor in its wake. "We must not forget that following this Dakar conference of 1976, there will be the first historic Afro-Arab Summit of March 1977. At the end of this summit, important decisions were taken to increase Arab public aid to African countries. And efforts were made by Arab oil-exporting countries to assist African countries," he says. The financial surpluses contributed, at the time, to the realization of projects in several African countries and, in particular, in Senegal with the realization of the dams of Diama and Manantali as well as the project of chemical industries of Senegal (Ics).
Senegal, a “link between Africa and the Arab world”
As for this summit, the specialist believes that it will also boost cooperation between Africa and the Arab world which are "old". "The relations between Africa and the Arab world are historically and geographically rooted. Let us not forget that one in three Arabs is African and three quarters of the surface area of the Arab world is on the African continent. The geopolitical reality with transnational networks and security and migration issues continue to remind us that the Sahara has never been an impassable barrier, but a real inland sea that has always invited people to move from one shore to another," explained Dr. Sambe.
Professor Sambe added that at a time when the continental free trade area is announced and that both Africa and the Arab world are in an unprecedented and irreversible diversification of their partnerships, a new opportunity is available for the two geopolitical sets complementary in every respect.
"The entry into play of a Senegal presiding over the AU and as a hyphen, socio-historical and geographical continuum maintaining the best relations with its African peers and its Arab partners, could be a considerable advantage to propel these relations to their best level ever," considers the Director of the Timbuktu Institute.
The summit is being held around the issue of reunification of the Arab world and Senegal as a country with good relations with all parties can have an important role to play. "The Arab world, like all our countries, is riddled with contradictions and differences among the members of the Arab League. I am among those who believe that Senegal, among other levers, the first country to host a summit of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in sub-Saharan Africa, could have a decisive role in strengthening these relations. Our country is one of the few in the Muslim world to be able to talk to all the others; it is this position that facilitated the presence of Senegal unanimously accepted at this summit," says the observer of the Arab world.
Return of non-alignment?
Dr. Bakary Sambe sees in the revitalization of cooperation between Africa and the Arab world the revival of non-alignment in a world where division is exacerbated by the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. "It is as if the old concept of non-alignment is being revitalized and corresponds perfectly to the spirit of Third Worldism of the 1950s, following the famous Bandoeng conference at the time of charismatic leaders of the Arab world and Africa like Nasser and Nkrumah.
Today, it is a new Africa that meets an Arab world that is questioning itself at a time when the Senegalese presidency under the aegis of Macky Sall is succeeding in positioning the AU as a geopolitical reality that prioritizes the strategic interests of the continent and the diversification of partnerships as reaffirmed at the recent Dakar Forum on Peace and Security," said Dr. Bakary Sambe.
Oumar KANDE (Translated from French)
source : Le Soleil
The subject of religion and the behavior of religious actors in the COVID-19 crisis appear at first glance to establish either just marginal issues or factors which have a tendency to to be negative. On the other hand, there is far less public discussion on the strategic role played by religious communities as civil society partners of governments or the World Health Organization, as agencies providing charitable and pastoral assistance, and as a resource for hope and emergency management so as to successfully cope with the pandemic. This study analyzed the ambivalent role of actors in the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria within the framework of a theory-based empirical analysis, presents the most important developments, learning effects and problem areas yet to be addressed and finally, based on this, draws up policy recommendations for action.
Plus...
By Bakary Sambe
Timbuktu Institute - November 2022
Since 2016, the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has been conducting a propaganda offensive targeting Southeast Asian Muslims as they recruit Indonesians, Malaysians and Filipinos to join the “war effort” in Iraq and Syria, or to carry out armed jihad in their own region. Subsequently, a joint war against IS was waged by the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Global Coalition to Defeat IS). Despite the colossal work that remains to be done in the Middle East to demolish all the cells of the IS and Al-Qaeda. However, attention is turning to the second front in the fight against global terrorism [1] which is South-East Asia.
One of the frontiers of the next round is likely to be Southeast Asia, where Middle Eastern terrorist groups (ISIS al-Qaeda, etc.) have found common cause with separatist movements and Muslim extremist groups in the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. Certainly, terrorism in South-East Asia is not new. In 1995, Bin Laden cells in Manila plotted the assassination of President Clinton and the Pope and planned to blow up American planes on East Asian routes.
Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) within Al Qaeda and the Islamic state have been one of the major threats to peace and security in South and Southeast Asia. Indeed, before the Islamic state, Al-Qaeda had created allies around the world, particularly in Southeast Asian countries (Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines, etc.) through foreign terrorist fighters, who returned to their home countries, when the Islamic state suffered devastating military defeats, losing control of virtually all the territory it once controlled in Iraq and Syria. It is almost certain that such cells will continue to exist in another territory, carrying out the same terrorist acts and activities and violent extremism[2].
In Indonesia,
Cells affiliated with the Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) and isolated Islamic state-inspired actors continue to target police and other government targets. Although Indonesia is not a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS), the Indonesian government and Muslim civil society leaders have strongly and repeatedly denounced the IS and have actively promoted the importance of the CVE's efforts to complement CT's law enforcement efforts. While Indonesia's efforts to combat violent extremism have had some success, part of its Islamist community remains committed to militant jihadism. The return from abroad of hundreds of militants linked to the Islamic state means that there is now a greater need than ever for interventions to prevent radicalization - and for programmes to reintegrate militants into society.
As part of institutional cooperation in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is an active member of the Global Counter Terrorism Forum (GCTF) and co-chairs the CVE working group with Australia. The Indonesian, Malaysian and Philippine Armed Forces continued their coordinated patrols in the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas to deter and prevent kidnapping and terrorist transit in their adjacent Exclusive Economic Zones.
In the Philippines,
Terrorists continued to target civilians and security forces with booby traps and small arms, and the emergence of suicide bombings posed new challenges to Philippine security forces. Indeed, there are terrorist groups active in Indonesia and at the same time in the Philippines. EI-Philippines affiliated groups continue their efforts to recover from battlefield casualties, recruit and train new members, and organize suicide attacks and attacks. EI affiliates in the Philippines include elements of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Ansar al-Khalifa Philippines (AKP) and the Maute Group. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc.
China and the Philippines
The two countries share broad common interests in non-traditional security issues, and both countries have great potential for cooperation in counter-terrorism. As a major responsible country, when the Philippines suffers terrorist attacks, China has an obligation to provide assistance.
In 2017 and 2018, China has donated three batches of weapons to the Philippines to help the country fight terrorism. According to Rodrigo Duterte, on improving his country's security, cooperation with China and the suppression of terrorism. "Only China can help us".
As for Singapore, the fight against terrorism still remains a major political priority. Singapore's national counter-terrorism apparatus and its ability to detect, deter and disrupt threats have remained effective. Singapore has been a member of the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS) since 2014 and extended its support in 2016 beyond military means to include medical teams in Iraq. It has developed a comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy based on global and regional trends. This strategy includes vigilant security measures, regional cooperation (with countries in the South-East Asian region) in law enforcement, efforts to counter radicalization and strategies to prepare the population for possible attacks.
The very productive levels of counter-terrorism cooperation (among the countries of the region) that have developed in recent years are still continuing, as is the increased sharing of information.
South-South cooperation against terrorism
The ASEAN-CT initiative aims to enhance cooperation among law enforcement and other relevant authorities of ASEAN member States to combat, prevent and suppress terrorism, terrorist organizations and their associations, disrupt their support networks and hinder their planning of terrorist acts and bring them to justice[3]. One of the most important activities of the ASEAN-ETC programme has been the border security actions, called "Operation Sunbird", carried out in 2015 and 2016, which allowed the screening of passengers and travel documents at airports and border crossings. As a result of the enhanced border presence during Operation Sunbird II in 2016, five separate drug seizures were made at the port of Batam, Indonesia, resulting in the arrest of five people. In line with the counter-terrorism objective of the programme, the operations increased intelligence sharing among member countries in the region and beyond. One specific result was the arrest and deportation from South Korea of two Indonesian nationals suspected of having terrorist links[4].
In the context of preventing radicalization, recruitment and recidivism, ASEAN had an advantage in this fight, as almost all of its member States had considerable expertise in the area of rehabilitation and counter-propaganda. Two examples of such innovative approaches should be mentioned in particular. First, the Singapore Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), which actively combats the misperceptions and instrumentalization of Islam by radicals through a grassroots approach. This includes a counselling centre, a smartphone application, publications by religious scholars, conferences and community outreach events[5].
The second initiative is RDC3, the regional digital counter-messaging communication centre recently launched by Malaysia. The centre opposes IS's propaganda and particularly its misuse of the Muslim religion in cyberspace by disseminating content developed in collaboration with the Department of Islamic Development of Malaysia (JAKIM))[6]
For China, terrorism is not a new phenomenon. But it did not receive much attention before the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York, but it showed that no country, no matter how powerful, was immune to terrorism[7]. Certainly, China has a wealth of experience in the fight against terrorism as well as in advanced technologies and military equipment.
Certainly, to address these threats, the governments of Southeast Asian countries have adapted military and security, law enforcement and counter-radicalization efforts. Countries continue to cooperate with other countries in the South, such as China. At the meeting in Beijing on 7 April 2016, China and the countries of South-East Asia agreed to improve their security and counter-terrorism cooperation. In particular, by strengthening multilateral and bilateral cooperation, increasing information exchange, broadening areas of cooperation and building capacity for cooperation in the fight against terrorism, in order to establish a platform for multilateral cooperation in the field of counter-terrorism with regional characteristics to protect individuals in the region and help maintain regional security and stability. The authorities of the South-East Asian countries agreed with the Chinese authorities to commit to further strengthen information exchange and take pragmatic measures in the field of counter-terrorism with China[8]. For the ASEAN countries and China, the fight against terrorism has been and will continue to be one of the most difficult tasks in preserving their respective national security strategies.
South-East Asia faces a grim counter-terrorism situation. In recent years, there have been frequent terrorist attacks in Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand and the Philippines, and China can cooperate more closely with the whole of ASEAN. In 2018, six ASEAN member countries launched the "Our Eyes" intelligence initiative. They have developed a common database of violent extremists. But since most ASEAN countries still lack the capacity to deal independently with terrorist attacks, China can help them by forging cooperation. China also needs the help of Southeast Asian countries, as some extremists from Xinjiang tend to migrate illegally to the Middle East via Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam[9].
The experience of South-East Asia shows that South-South cooperation can build on the initiatives of individual countries, but above all on the opportunities to share experiences and good practices
The fact that the terrorist phenomenon is tackled by taking into account both the preventive and the counter-terrorism dimension tells us about the effectiveness of the mixed approach that has long been neglected in the Sahel.
The mutual trust that has facilitated intelligence sharing and established cooperative relations despite the many vested interests between these countries should inspire the Sahel countries. Moreover, the existence of regional and sub-regional frameworks should further promote and facilitate such a strategy.
Taking into account the regional dimension in the elaboration of strategies as well as the definition of community action frameworks seems to be an interesting avenue for West African countries at a time when foreign interventions have shown their limits. This is the price to pay for the re-credibilisation of the fight against terrorism and the adoption of alternative strategies to the all-security approach.
[1] Marguerite Borelli, "Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses", Vol. 9, No. 9 (September 2017), pp. 14-20, in International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26351552
[2]Country Reports on Terrorism 2018, BUREAU OF COUNTERTERRORISM, P. 43. available at: https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Country-Reports-on-Terrorism-2018-FINAL.pdf last visit: 23-06-2020
[3] ASEAN comprehensive plan of action on counter terrorism, Endorsed by 7th AMMTC on 17November 2009.
[5] Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG). “About RRG.” [date unknown]. available at: https://www.rrg.sg/about-rrg/
[6]Bernama. “Malaysia’s Counter-Messaging Centre combating terrorism, radical activities, says DPM.” New Straits Times. November 8, 2016. Available at: https://www.nst.com.my/news/2016/11/186976/malaysias-counter-messaging-centre-combating-terrorism-radical-activities-says . Last visit: 02-07-2020
[7]https://www.peacepalacelibrary.nl/ebooks/files/304787639.pdf
Dakar, Senegal – The German Foundation for Africa and partners recently held a conference on strengthening democracy in Africa and the G7 Countries.
The two-day event held on September 26-27 at Germany’s Federal Foreign Office in Berlin was characterized with lively debates on the theme how to deal with the increasing systemic competition and external influence in Africa and what conclusions to draw for German foreign policy. The conference was jointly organized by German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
Representing Timbuktu Institute of Dakar at the conference, Mrs Adji Awa Samb, Timbuktu’s senior officer responsible for Cooperation and Regional projects had her take during the debate which revolved around questions like - which opportunities and risks does the increasing global systemic competition entails for Africa-Europe relations.
Responding to the question above, Mrs Adji remarked:
First of all, we must take into account a new fact: Today, the situation has changed and Africa will no longer have only a passive role. For at least three reasons: First, we are in a divided world in which the alignments are both multiple and diffuse.
Second, we are in a world where the distribution of power is very fragmented with the combined effect of classic powers that are declining, emerging powers that are rising, and a multitude of states that are claiming middle power status.
Therefore, she continued,
we can no longer see this competition as a simple competition between powers. We must take into account this situation which also gives Africa the opportunity to choose and diversify its partners.
According to her, the strong presence of China, the return of Russia, the Gulf States and also Turkey should not be overlooked.
Turning her attention to the other question: how should Germany adjust its communication policy in Africa when it comes to the activities of other external powers?, Mrs Adji highlighted some points.
The situation has really changed, we are in the configuration that allows us to talk about off-shore balancing. This is the mechanism by which the great classical powers ensure that the strategic shift of the African continent has an impact on the balance of power at the international level,
she observed.
In Africa, Germany, especially in the last Merkel years, has freed itself from European tutelage and has asserted itself as a power with its own African policy, particularly in the Sahel. It has played a major role on two levels: militarily alongside Europe, but especially in development. Germany does not suffer from the image of a colonial power in the Sahel. It can continue to emphasize partnership instead of domination,
Mrs. Adji reiterated.
Meanwhile, she went on to look at other question like - What are the implications of the changing global order for Germany's existing instruments and partnerships with African countries and regional organisations?.