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Source : Le Soleil - December 1, 2023
A familiar face at the Dakar International Forum, Dr. Bakary Sambe is founder and regional director of the Timbuktu Institute - African Center for Peace Studies (Bamako, Dakar, Niamey). His current work with the Timbuktu Institute focuses on the testing of agile solutions in crisis zones. As part of the forthcoming launch of the Frangily Observatory of West Africa for Resilience & Democracy - FOWARD), he spoke at the Dakar International Forum on Peace and Security, emphasizing the human security approach. It was following this intervention, which focused on the need to reconcile international cooperation and endogenous strategies, that we had this interview with him.
You've been taking part in the 9th edition of the Dakar International Forum for many years now. In your opinion, what is the place and role of this event in strategic thinking on peace and security issues in Africa?
By organizing this Forum, which closed its 9th edition yesterday, Senegal is reinforcing its strategic position and its specificity on the African continent, often distinguishing itself as a model of resilience. Our country is also a sociopolitical and historical continuum of the Arab world (located just south of Mauritania), with a specific position within the Muslim world. A rare African country to have hosted two summits of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation. The regional geopolitical context, fraught with risks, coincides, for Senegal, with a decisive geostrategic turning point and the imminent exploitation of major mining and energy resources in a complex configuration of international rivalries accentuated by the current war in Ukraine and its various implications. Senegal is also one of the most important sub-regional university destinations, in addition to internationally renowned research institutions and think tanks such as the Centre des Hautes Études de Défense et de Sécurité (CHEDS), the regional headquarters of the Timbuktu Institute covering the entire region, the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Afrikajom Center, WATHI, IPAR, etc. All these factors make Senegal a key destination for the international community. These are all elements that place our country on the new chessboard of the knowledge economy and strategic thinking. As a regional diplomatic platform, Senegal's repositioning in Arab-African relations since the Algiers summit, as well as its recent presidency of the African Union, consolidate its position on the diplomatic and international scene, especially in the context of new South-South reconfigurations. On this precise point, there is every hope that our countries' traditional partners will accept the profound changes in our relations not as a challenge or a form of defiance, but as a precious opportunity to be seized in order to start afresh on new foundations.
The West African region, like others on the continent, has been subject to multifaceted crises for years, with institutional instability and security tensions. How can these two phenomena be mitigated?
The discussions at the Forum's various panels and workshops reiterated this desire to give endogenous strategies more dignity as a solution. During the panel on human security in which I took part, I made a point of recalling the sad fact that, despite more than a decade of commitment, the States and international partners of the Sahel have won neither the war against terrorists, nor peace with the local populations. That's why it was so important to consider how to start afresh, so as not to lose sight of our shared commitment to collective security, but also to bring about the necessary paradigm shift, starting with a certain humility in acknowledging our shared failures. As you know, the 2023 edition of the Forum took place against a backdrop of great uncertainty, with coups d'état multiplying in the sub-region and a resurgence of terrorist attacks, despite the promises of security made by the juntas that came to power. But the creation of new groupings such as the Alliance of Sahel States (AES, grouping Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger) around the Liptako-Gourma Charter is a worrying sign, although some see it as a welcome effort at synergy. At a time when we need regional coordination and pooling of efforts more than ever, we risk seeing a weakening of ECOWAS, and even the tacit disappearance of the G5, which were key players in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel and West Africa in general. This is a real fragmentation of regional counter-terrorism efforts, as with the Alliance of Sahel States, other states could feel excluded or marginalized, which risks undermining the cooperation and coordination efforts needed to deal effectively with common security challenges. I'm not even talking about the negative impact on the AU's efforts with the weakening of its role insofar as this new initiative between military regimes will complicate its attempts to coordinate its security efforts on a continental scale.
So what can we do?
I believe that it is these major challenges that have motivated President Macky Sall's appeal to all countries, and above all to the military, to avoid aggravating the already worrying regional situation. As he suggests, urgent solutions are needed to consolidate the rule of law, but also to strengthen collective security by better pooling efforts (the forum also discussed the reactivation of the African standby force). Solutions can only be effective within the framework of a holistic approach, as proposed by the Senegalese President, to accelerate the development of the continent's countries by promoting investment and the strengthening of human capital, inseparable from the imperative of peace and security.
How can we ensure that endogenous solutions are taken into account in resolving the crises that are shaking West Africa and the Sahel?
Both in President Macky Sall's opening address and in the various speeches, this new preoccupation with aligning the international approach with endogenous strategies was evident. If there was one overall trend that emerged from the 9th Dakar Forum, it was a growing awareness of the need to reactivate endogenous mechanisms for dialogue and mediation, and a clear desire to mitigate the all-security approach. As part of our work on a manual of best practices for resilience in border areas, we recently highlighted the immense potential of our communities to transform certain "threats" into "opportunities" for synergy. From now on, we must take into account the realities and constraints of local populations, just as we must stop neglecting endogenous resources and cultural references to overcome tensions and make better use of traditional mediation and conflict management mechanisms that are commonly and culturally accepted. In any case, I remain convinced that dismantling the regional security architecture by venturing into extreme, ad hoc positions will only worsen the situation of the countries in the region.
How do you think we can involve the regimes already in place?
You know, it would be unrealistic to ignore the fact that these regimes in countries that have experienced coups d'état are part of a long-term process, and that we absolutely must make them our interlocutors. We need to move away from extreme positions of rejection and renew the thread of dialogue in the interests of populations suffering from insecurity and economic hardship. And international partners need to understand that dialogue and consensus-building cannot be equated with compromise, but are cardinal African virtues that need to be explored to break the current deadlock. This is in the interests of all the countries in the region, as well as of cooperation built on new foundations in line with world developments and the sovereign aspirations of new generations.
Source: Le Soleil, December 1, 2023 - Title adapted by Timbuktu Institute
Source : Le Soleil – 1er décembre 2023
Visage familier du Forum International de Dakar, Dr. Bakary Sambe est le fondateur et directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute – African Center for Peace Studies (Bamako, Dakar, Niamey). Ses travaux actuels dans le cadre du Timbuktu Institute s’articulent autour de l’expérimentation des solutions agiles en zones de crise. Dans le cadre du lancement prochain de l’Observatoire des Fragilités et des Résiliences (Frangily Observatory of West Africa for Resilience & Democracy - FOWARD), il est intervenu au Forum International de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité pour insister sur l’approche sécurité humaine. C’est à la suite de cette intervention qui a porté sur la nécessité de concilier coopération internationale et stratégies endogènes que nous avons eu avec lui cet entretien
Vous participez depuis des années au Forum international de Dakar qui est à sa 9ème édition. Quel est selon vous la place et le rôle de cet événement dans la réflexion stratégique sur les questions de paix et de sécurité en Afrique ?
En organisant ce Forum qui a été clôturé hier sa 9eme édition, le Sénégal ne fait que conforter sa position stratégique ainsi que sa spécificité sur le continent africain, le distinguant souvent comme un modèle de résilience. Notre pays est aussi, un continuum sociopolitqiue et historique du monde arabe (situé juste au Sud de la Mauritanie) avec un positionnement spécifique au sein du monde musulman. Rare pays africain ayant accueilli deux sommets de l’Organisation de la coopération islamique. Le contexte géopolitique régional lourd de risques coïncide, pour le Sénégal, avec un tournant décisif sur le plan géostratégique et l’imminence de l’exploitation d’importantes ressources minières et énergétiques dans une configuration complexe de rivalités internationales accentuées par la présente guerre en Ukraine et ses diverses implications. Le Sénégal est, aussi, une des plus importantes destinations universitaires sous régionales, en plus d’institutions de recherches et Think tanks de renommée internationale comme le Centre des Hautes Études de Défense et de Sécurité (CHEDS), le siège régional du Timbuktu Institute couvrant toute la région, de l’Institut d’études de sécurité (ISS), d’Afrikajom Center, WATHI, IPAR etc. Ce sont tous ces éléments qui imposent notre pays sur le nouvel échiquier de l’économie de la connaissance et de la pensée stratégique. En tant que plateforme diplomatique régionale, le repositionnement du Sénégal, dans les relations arabo-africaines depuis le sommet d’Alger, ainsi que sa récente présidence de l’Union Africaine, consolident sa position sur la scène diplomatique et internationale, surtout dans le contexte des nouvelles reconfigurations sud-sud. Sur ce point précis, il y a bon espoir que les partenaires classiques de nos pays puissent admettre les profondes mutations de nos rapports non pas comme un défi ou une quelconque défiance mais comme une précieuse opportunité à saisir pour repartir sur de nouvelles bases.
La région ouest africaine comme d’autres du continent, est sujette à des crises multiformes depuis des années avec une instabilité institutionnelle et des tensions sécuritaires. Comment faire en sorte que ces deux phénomènes soient amoindris ?
La réflexion qui a animé les différents panels et ateliers du Forum a permis de réitérer ce désir d’accorder davantage, aux stratégies endogènes, la dignité de solution. Lors du Panel sur la sécurité humaine auquel j’ai prispart, j’ai tenu à rappeler le triste constat qui fait que malgré plus d’une décennie d’engagement, les États et les partenaires internationaux du Sahel n'ont gagné ni la guerre contre les terroristes, ni la paix avec les populations locales. C’est en cela qu’il a été grandement question d’envisager comment repartir sur de nouvelles bases pour, à la fois, ne pas perdre de vue notre contrainte commune de sécurité collective mais aussi, opérer le nécessaire changement de paradigme qui commencera par une certaine humilité de reconnaître nos échecs communs. Vous savez, l’édition 2023 du Forum s’est déroulée dans un contexte de grandes interrogations avec des coups d'État qui se sont multipliés dans la sous-région et la recrudescence des attaques terroristes malgré les promesses de sécurité de la part des juntes arrivées au pouvoir. Mais la création de nouveaux ensembles tels que l’Alliance des États du Sahel (AES, regroupant le Burkina Faso, le Mali et le Niger) autour de la Charte dite du Liptako-Gourma est un signal préoccupant bien que certains y voient un effort de synergie à saluer. Alors qu’on a plus que jamais besoin de la coordination et de la mutualisation régionales des efforts, nous risquons d’en arriver à un affaiblissement de la CEDEAO voire la disparition tacite en vue du G5, qui étaient des acteurs-clés dans la lutte contre le terrorisme au Sahel et en Afrique de l’Ouest de manière générale. C’est une véritable fragmentation des efforts régionaux de lutte contre le terrorisme du fait qu’avec l’Alliance des États du Sahel, les autres États pourraient se sentir exclus ou marginalisés, ce qui risque de nuire aux efforts de coopération et de coordination nécessaires pour faire face efficacement aux défis sécuritaires communs. Je ne parle même pas de l’impact négatif sur les efforts de l’UA avec l’affaiblissement de son rôle dans la mesure où cette nouvelle initiative entre les régimes militaires compliquera ses tentatives de coordination de ses efforts en matière de sécurité à l’échelle continentale.
Que faire dans ce cas ?
Je pense que ce sont ces défis majeurs qui ont motivé l’appel du Président Macky Sall en direction de tous les pays et surtout des militaires à éviter d’aggraver la situation régionale déjà assez préoccupante. Comme il le suggère, il faudra des solutions urgentes en matière de consolidation de l’État de droit mais aussi du renforcement de la sécurité collective par une meilleure mutualisation des efforts (Le forum a, d’ailleurs, traité de la réactivation de la force africaine en attente). Les solutions ne pourront être efficientes que dans le cadre d’une approche holistique telle que proposée par le président sénégalais pour accélérer le développement des pays du continent en favorisant l’investissement et le renforcement du capital humain indissociables de l’impératif de paix et de sécurité.
Aujourd’hui comment faire pour que des solutions endogènes soient prises en compte dans la résolution des crises qui secouent l’Afrique de l’Ouest et le Sahel ?
Aussi bien dans l’allocution d’ouverture du Président Macky Sall que lors des différentes interventions, on notait bien cette nouvelle préoccupation d’aligner l'approche internationale et les stratégies endogènes. S’il y a une tendance globale qui a pu émerger lors de cette 9e édition du Forum de Dakar, c’est bien celle d’une prise de conscience de réactivation des mécanismes endogènes en termes de dialogue et de médiation et une nette volonté de mitiger les approches du tout-sécuritaire. Dans le cadre de la rédaction d’un manuel de bonnes pratiques de résilience dans les zones frontalières, nous mettions, récemment, en évidence les immenses possibilités qu'ont nos communautés de transformer certaines " menaces " en " opportunités " de synergie. Il nous faudra désormais prendre en compte les réalités et les contraintes des populations locales de même que nous devons cesser de négliger les ressources endogènes et des références culturelles pour surmonter les tensions et mieux valoriser les mécanismes traditionnels de médiation et de gestion des conflits communément et culturellement admis. En tout état de cause, je reste persuadé que le démantèlement de l’architecture régionale de sécurité en s’aventurant dans des positions extrêmes et conjoncturelles ne fera qu’aggraver la situation des pays de la région.
Comment selon vous impliquer les régimes déjà en place ?
Vous savez, ignorer l’état de fait que ces régimes installés à la tête de pays ayant connu des coups d’État s’inscrivent sur le temps long et qu’il faudra absolument en faire des interlocuteurs participerait d’un manque de réalisme. Il faut sortir des positions extrêmes et de rejet et renouer le fil du dialogue dans l’intérêt des populations qui souffrent de l’insécurité et des difficultés économiques. Et, il faudrait aussi que les partenaires internationaux comprennent que le dialogue et la recherche de consensus ne peuvent être assimilés à la compromission, mais sont des vertus cardinales africaines qu’il faudrait explorer pour sortir de l’impasse actuelle. Il y va de l’intérêt aussi bien de l’ensemble des pays de la région que de celui d’une coopération co-construite sur de nouvelles bases conformément aux évolutions du monde et aux aspirations souveraines des nouvelles générations.
Source : Le Soleil, 1er Décembre 2023 – Titre adapté par Timbuktu Institute
Avec le Sommet du G29 sur le « Compact with Africa », quels seraient les atouts de l'Allemagne si elle visait à s’imposer davantage en tant que partenaire principal de l'Afrique, et quelle serait sa valeur ajoutée pour le continent ? Quels ont été les enjeux pour l'Afrique dans ce contexte de diversification des partenariats ? On a observé que le Président Macky Sall, vu comme un « grand avocat de la cause de l’Afrique » depuis la présidence sénégalaise de l’Union africaine, y a joué un rôle important avec un énième pour une gouvernance financière plus juste envers le continent. Dans cet entretien, abordant les initiatives allemandes qui se multiplient en direction du continent, Dr. Bakary Sambe, directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute – African Center for Peace Studies revient sur les enjeux et perspectives de cette rencontre dans le cadre de la chronique « Hebdo Africain » sur la chaîne panafricaine Medi1TV :
Dr Bakary Sambe, dans vos dernières chroniques, à propos du Sommet de Ryad et du récent discours du Roi Mohamed VI, vous évoquiez le renforcement de l’axe sud-sud et la diversification des partenariats de l’Afrique. En même temps, suite à un récent voyage concomitant, inédit, de son chancelier et de son président, l’Allemagne vient d’accueillir le Sommet du Compact with Africa. Est-ce donc à penser que c’est cette nouvelle dynamique qui motive le regain d'intérêt de l'Europe pour le continent ?
Un proverbe arabe dit que lorsque la mariée est belle on ne discute plus de la dot : l’Afrique attire en même temps qu’elle s’impose sur l’échiquier mondial notamment depuis la présidence sénégalaise de l’Union africaine qui a positionné notre continent comme une réalité géopolitique à part entière et dont le basculement géostratégique vers quelque bloc que ce soit pourrait changer le rapport de force au niveau international. L’initiative du « Compact With Africa » portée par l’Allemagne qui se positionne de plus en plus comme actrice en dehors de la couverture européenne est ouverte à tous les pays africains prêts à s’engager sur des réformes de gouvernance du secteur des affaires, et qui sont politiquement stable, avec notamment tels que l’Ethiopie, le Rwanda, la Côte d’Ivoire, le Ghana. Mais, la présence remarquée du Sénégal et du Maroc est aussi un indicateur des changements profonds et de la restructuration des rapports entre notre continent et l’Europe de manière générale. Il est sûr qu’avec ce grand marché reposant entre autres sur une classe moyenne de 400 millions d’habitants, notre continent ne peut plus être ignoré des pays visant à relancer leurs économies rudement touchées par la crise actuelle et en quête de nouveaux partenariats.
Mais dans quelle mesure l’Allemagne pourrait-elle devenir un partenaire de premier plan en matière économique et sécuritaire en Afrique subsaharienne surtout si l’on sait les difficultés actuelles de l’Europe dans la région ?
L’Allemagne joue, de plus en plus, la carte de la distinction voire de la « virginité » en termes de capital-image en Afrique subsaharienne où à part la question namibienne, elle n’a pas eu de gros contentieux au point de vue historique. Et puis, il y a une véritable offensive allemande avec un partage des rôles et une diversification des approches en jouant sur le multilatéral comme sur des relations bilatérales de plus en plus consolidées à travers le continent et même l’Afrique de l’Ouest qui jusqu’ici était vue par Berlin comme la chasse gardée de la France actuellement en perte d’influence. Le récent soutien financier à la CEDEAO d’un montant de 80 millions d’euros montre toute la diversification de l’approche allemande. En fait, ce pays sort de plus en plus de ce que j’appelais sa timidité africaine pour s’engouffrer dans la brèche des ouvertures et des nouvelles opportunités dans un contexte où la question énergétique devient, certes, centrale mais où la conquête de nouveaux marchés reste un impératif de survie dans une Europe rudement frappée par la guerre russo-ukrainienne.
Mais enfin, Dr Sambe, ce Sommet a été particulièrement marqué, entre autres, par le plaidoyer poignant du Président sénégalais Macky Sall en faveur de l’Afrique et de sa place sur l’échiquier économique mondial. Pouvez-vous revenir sur les points essentiels de cet énième appel lancé par le Président Sall ?
Lors de sa prise de parole, le président Macky Sall a encore réitéré son plaidoyer pour une réforme de la gouvernance financière mondiale en matière d’accès au crédit pour les pays africains. Pour lui, « Compact with Africa » devrait conduire à ce que les pays africains et leurs partenaires s’engagent à lever les contraintes liées à la cherté du crédit en Afrique aggravée par les primes d’assurance très élevées. C’est en cela qu’il interpelle, aussi, les agences de notation qui, avec peu d’analyses et ne faisant aucune distinction entre les pays africains, participent à cet enrichissement du crédit. C’est encore un appel pour un monde financier plus juste envers les pays africains insistant sur le fait que l’Afrique demeure ouverte à tous les investisseurs. Enfin, le président Macky Sall a insisté sur la nécessité d’une mobilisation totale des Africains et de leurs partenaires pour construire nos pays avec, notamment, la mise en place du Programme de développement des infrastructures en Afrique (Pida) pour relever à la fois, les défis de l'énergie, des transports et du chemin de fer pour faciliter les échanges et accélérer l’urgente industrialisation malgré les contraintes climatiques.
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معهد تمبكتو -15 نوفمبر 2023
تمثل القمةُ السعوديةُ الأفريقية الأولى التي انعقدت في سياق يتسم بعملية تعدد الأقطاب نقطةَ تحولٍ في العلاقات الدولية، حيث تسلط الضوء على تطلعات المملكة العربية السعودية للعب دور محوري على المسرح العالمي وإتاحة فرص جديدة للتنمية والتعاون لأفريقيا. وستتم مراقبة نتائج القمة عن كثب لأنها تساعد في إعادة تحديد الشراكات الدولية وتشكيل مستقبل العلاقات بين المملكة والقارة الأفريقية. ويبدو أن المملكة أرادت من خلال هذه القمة جمع أكبر قادة مجال نفوذها في العالم العربي والإسلامي والأفريقي حول القضية الدولية الطاحنة: أي القضية الفلسطينية. ويمثل حضور الرئيس الإيراني في القمة أبعادا مهمة من الدبلوماسية السعودية
ويناقش المدير الإقليمي لمعهد تمبكتو [الدكتور باكري صمب] في مقالته الأسبوعية تحديات هذه القمة التي يمكن أن تسجل في عملية تنشيط محور التعاون بين بلدان الجنوب
س: استقبلت المملكة العربية السعودية، في 10 نوفمبر الماضي، في مركز الملك عبد العزيز الدولي للمؤتمرات – ولأول مرة – العديد من رؤساء الدول الأفريقية جاءوا للمشاركة في القمة العربية الأفريقية، ما أهمية هذا الحدث في رأيك يا دكتور باكري صمب؟
ج: تمثل هذه القمة مرحلة حاسمة في تطور العلاقات الدولية والديناميات الاقتصادية العالمية، ولا سيما الشراكة الاستراتيجية بين بلدان الجنوب، ولذلك استجاب العديد من القادة الأفارقة لدعوة الرياض، بحثا عن فرص التعاون الاقتصادي وتعزيز العلاقات السياسية. وحتى بعض البلدان الأفريقية التي تمر بمرحلة انتقالية وتبدو معزولة عن الساحة الدولية رأتْ في القمة فرصة ذهبية لاستكشاف شراكات جديدة وتنويع علاقاتها الدولية. ومن المعلوم أن ظهور نفوذ المملكة العربية السعودية في أفريقيا يعود إلى عام 1970 من خلال الدبلوماسية الدينية، حتى وإن كان للمساعدات التنموية والاستثمار حضور قوي بواسطة الصندوق السعودي للتنمية منذ عام 1975. وكما ورد في البيان الختامي، فإن " العلاقات التاريخية بين المملكة العربية السعودية والدول الأفريقية متسمة بالعمق مع أكثر من 45 مليار دولار من المساعدات الإنمائية تم ضخها على مدى السنوات الخمسين الماضية في العديد من القطاعات الحيوية". وإضافة إلى البُعد الاقتصادي، فإن القمة تمثل فرصة سانحة لحشد الدعم الدبلوماسي من إفريقيا الذي يعد أكبر كتلة إقليمية داخل الأمم المتحدة، ولا سيما في القضايا الدولية ذات الأهمية الكبيرة للمملكة.
س: قلت سابقا إن القمة تشارك في التعددية القطبية التي بدأت في السنوات الأخيرة، ولكن ما هي المخاطر التي يمكن أن تتعرض لها القارة التي تمر في الوقت نفسه بمرحلة حاسمة من الانفتاح وتنويع الشراكات؟
ج: لا يخفى على كرم علمكم أن الحركة الديناميكية للسعودية تسعى حثيثا وتتطور بشكل دائم منذ عام 2018 مع تعيين وزير دولة للشؤون الأفريقية، ولكن يجب ألا يغيب عن نظرنا أن المملكة ملتزمة دبلوماسيا بحل الأزمات في القرن الأفريقي وتمويل مجموعة دول الساحل الخمس (G5). ومن بين القضايا الرئيسية المطروحة في القمة تأكيد السعودية وإثبات نفسها كبديل للدول الغربية في أفريقيا وتحولها إلى استراتيجية أكثر عالمية وأقل تركيزا على الدبلوماسية الدينية وعلى مواجهة نفوذ منافسيها مثل قطر وإيران. وعلى طبيعة الحال، فإن لأفريقيا توقعات كثيرة في التنمية الاقتصادية وفرص الاستثمار والتحدي المتمثل في توطيد الشراكات السياسية، فضلا عن المواقف الحازمة بشكل متزايد في بناء عالم متعدد الأقطاب. وهذه الأمور يجب أن تنتبه لها الرياض في سعيها نحو تعزيز نفوذها الإقليمي
س: لكن، يا دكتور باكري، ما الفائدة التي ستجنيها أفريقيا حقا من هذا التنافس والاندفاع بين القوى القديمة والناشئة في هذا الوضع الذي يبدو غير مسبوق في تاريخ العلاقات الدولية؟
ج: أعلنت المملكة العربية السعودية عن استثمارات كبيرة في أفريقيا بمبلغ 25 مليار دولار بحلول عام 2030، وتهدف هذه الاستثمارات التي تمثل استراتيجية جديدة لها إلى دعم مشاريع التنمية في القطاعات الرئيسية مثل الصحة والتعليم والمياه والنقل. ومن النتائج العاجلة والملموسة للقمة أن اثني عشر بلدا أفريقيا، بما في ذلك غينيا والنيجر -اللتين تخضعان لعقوبات من الجماعة الاقتصادية لدول غرب أفريقيا (إيكواس) والدول الغربية-وأنغولا وبوروندي وبوركينا فاسو والرأس الأخضر ورواندا، ستستفيد بقرض بقيمة 580 مليون دولار بهدف تحفيز التنمية المستدامة في القارة. وفي الواقع، انتهزت المملكة الفرصة لجمع الدول التي يصل إليها نفوذها في العالم العربي والإسلامي والأفريقي والاعتماد على دعمهم الدبلوماسي لنصرة فلسطين. وكانت مشاركة الرئيس الإيراني في القمة علامة فارقة للدبلوماسية السعودية التي أظهرت حقا مرونتها وقوتها.
Timbuktu Institute, in partnership with the Embassy of Japan in Senegal, held a Seminar on the theme: "Building community resilience to multi-dimensional risks: Lessons learned from the Japanese approach in the Sahel", this Wednesday, October 11. The meeting revisited Japan's experience and cooperation in building community resilience in the Sahel.
Mr. Osamu Izawa, Japan's Ambassador to Senegal, shared some of his country's experience of working with African countries in the field of development.
"Japan has no natural resources, but it is well developed, because we have invested heavily in human resources. Today, there are many African countries that want to develop, some of which have no natural resources. And in Senegal, starting next year, we're going to be producing oil and gas", recalled the Japanese ambassador, who is betting particularly on human resources for Africa's development. A "great experience" that he is keen to share with African countries.
And not only. He also stressed the importance of building resilience in the areas of Family, Education and Community.
For his part, Dr Bakary Sambe emphasized that the meeting addressed the need for a multidimensional approach. "There has been a focus on security in the Sahel, which has not produced the desired results. And today, I think everyone knows that you can't talk about security without development", hence the interest of this Japanese approach in strengthening human capital, but also investment in such strategic areas as "education, strengthening human capital, but also strengthening women's empowerment".
The director of the Timbuktu Institute believes that we have reached a situation "where in some countries of the central Sahel, spending on security has long since supplanted spending on development. This, he says, is "damaging in view of the multidimensional challenges and colossal needs facing these countries today".
To this end, he opts for a holistic approach, "investing a little in the possibilities offered by the community approach, and moving towards an approach linked to human security to have a much more global strategy in the face of all these evils such as terrorism and endemic insecurity in the Sahel".
Source : SENEGO
In recent years, Turkey's presence in Africa has attracted a great deal of interest from diplomats and international relations specialists alike. It is often analyzed by Western experts in terms of an irruption into a space that some consider to be a private preserve, or sometimes as part of a new competition of models between powers embodying liberal democracy and others that symbolize the return of autocracies. In this interview, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute, looks back at the trajectory of Turkey's anchorage in sub-Saharan Africa, from the perspective of the continent itself and the new geopolitical realities taking shape there. This interview is part of the weekly column in partnership with Medi1TV, in which Sana Yassari is interviewed.
Dr. Bakary Sambe, Recep Tayyib Erdogan has just been re-elected head of Turkey. In recent years, there has been a lot of talk about Turkey's presence in Africa. Will Erdogan's re-election strengthen his country's involvement on the continent? Or could we expect a major break?
It's clear that President Erdogan had initiated a genuine policy of intensifying relations with Africa. But an important fact is that Ankara, itself, has dismantled its own instrument of influence as part of the relentless fight against Gülen. In the wake of the 2014 coup attempt, Ankara put pressure on the region's states to get rid of two structures that had acted as relays for Turkish diplomacy in the Sahel, which were making greater inroads among the intelligentsia and major economic players: the Gülen Brotherhood and Atlantique Turquie Sénégal Association (ATSA). While this movement had a great capacity for mobilization and deployment abroad, bringing together within a confederation of different businessmen's associations with over 15,000 members, some followers are regrouping around large-scale projects. Despite its interest in Africa, President Erdogan's stance on the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, and his statements on refugees threatening Turkey's internal security and stability in addition to its "Kurdish problem", leave no doubt as to Turkey's true international concerns. Yes, Turkey is making more of an impact in terms of trade and infrastructure development, benefiting, like China, from the image of a country with no imperial past, primarily geared to conquering new markets at the expense of the former colonial powers. But it's clear that Turkey's ambitions for Africa go far beyond the economy.
For a longer-term analysis, could you explain how Turkey was able to establish itself in Africa to the point where it is now competing with traditional powers that are even beginning to see Turkey as a real competitor in the new partnerships underway on our continent?
Yes, from the early 2000s onwards, a number of Turkish initiatives supported a foreign policy that was just getting off the ground on the continent. Turkey followed in the footsteps of Morocco, which relied on the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation (AMCI). To support this new policy, Ankara, like its traditional partners and new players in the region, wanted to equip itself with a high-performance exchange tool: TIKA. The Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency opened a regional office in Dakar in 2007. In this context, the diplomat confided that Turkish foreign policy towards Africa "is not only based on economic and commercial objectives, but also integrates a global approach that includes the development of Africa through technical assistance and projects in fields such as disease control, agricultural development, irrigation, energy and education, and a regular flow of humanitarian aid".
But we know that, culturally and geographically, Turkey is too far away from these regions where it seeks a stronger foothold. Is this anchorage then the fruit of a strategy of influence to which today's competitors have paid no attention in recent decades?
Indeed, there are still a number of obstacles in the way of an effective policy of influence. It's true that Ankara is making an economic breakthrough with the construction of infrastructure projects such as Niamey airport in Niger, and is heavily involved in the new city of Diamniadio on the outskirts of Dakar. There's also a revitalization of this policy in the field of religious education, with the establishment of an Islamic complex in the Guinean capital, Conakry, where Turkey was keen to send teachers "under supervision", especially after the failed "coup d'état" of 2014. Ultimately, however, the Sahelian terrain still poses a number of challenges for Ankara, which are far from having been met if it is to assert itself as an imposing player in the great game being played out there. Ankara does not yet have the economic clout of China, with its diplomatic and strategic levers, nor the historical roots within the political elite of its Western partners, let alone the diplomatic agility to build up such image capital as to make up for its disadvantage in relation to Morocco and Saudi Arabia, particularly in the market for symbolic and religious goods. But Turkey's increasingly assertive presence in Africa is a geopolitical reality that will have to be reckoned with from now on.
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On October 24, the 2023 edition of the Vienna Forum opened on the theme of "Countering Segregation and Extremism in the Context of Integration", with the participation of officials and experts from all over Europe. This year's event saw the participation of such prominent figures as Davor Božinović, Croatia's Minister of the Interior, Kaare Dybvad Bek, Denmark's Minister of Immigration and Integration, and Ana Catarina Mendes, Portugal's Minister of Parliamentary Affairs. Opening the proceedings, Susanne Raab, Austria's Minister for Women, Family, Integration and the Media, stressed the need for synergy between the various players. In the presence of Bart Somers, Vice-Minister-President of the Flemish Government in Belgium, Sofia Voultepsi, Vice-Minister for Migration and Asylum in Greece, and Etienne Apaire, Secretary General of France's Comité interministériel de prévention de la délinquance et de la radicalisation (Interministerial Committee for the Prevention of Delinquency and Radicalization), discussions revolved around the experiences of different countries in managing religious issues, as well as policies put in place to integrate religious minorities, particularly Muslims.
This edition welcomed the eminent Senegalese academic and expert, founder of the Observatoire des Radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique and Director of the Timbuktu Institute - African Center for Peace Studies, Dr. Bakary Sambe. He was invited by the Austrian government to take part in this annual event at the suggestion of Her Excellency Ursula Fahringer, Austrian Ambassador to Senegal, as part of the promotion of exchanges between her country and Senegal.
In his weekly column on Medi1TV devoted to the event this week, he answers journalist Pape Cheikh Diouf's questions on the stakes of his participation as an African expert, and the lessons to be learned from the Vienna Forum.
Dr. Bakary Sambe, you have just taken part in the Vienna Forum organized by the Federal Chancellery of the Austrian government on the theme of "Segregation and violent extremism in a context of integration". What was the significance of such a theme in the current European context?
The focus was on the challenges of conflict prevention, especially in the wake of recent riots and terrorist attacks in many European countries, where the main perpetrators were more often minors of immigrant origin born in Europe. It was also necessary to reflect on possible strategies to meet the challenge of managing personal freedom of religion and expression, and scientific and academic freedom, in the face of the emergence of extremist ideologies. Numerous ministers from Croatia, Denmark and Portugal took part. Opening the proceedings, Susanne Raab, Austrian Minister for Women, Family, Integration and the Media, stressed the need for synergy between the various players. It had to be clearly emphasized that Islam in its teachings is not the source of radicalization and extremism, but rather "the manipulation of religious symbols for political, ideological or other motives".
As an African expert, founder of the Observatoire des radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique since 2012. What contribution could you make to such a meeting taking place in Europe, especially in terms of cross-analysis with European experts?
I was able to exchange views with many European leaders, such as Lisa Fellhofer, Director of the Austrian Documentation Centre on Political Islam, Kenneth Schmidt-Hansen, Director of the Danish Centre for Documentation and Counter-Extremism, and Paul Doran, the UK's FCDO counter-terrorism advisor. But it was important for me to draw attention to certain forms of religiously-motivated extremism that have not yet been the subject of in-depth, dispassionate research to support the fight against the discrimination and racism that generate frustration and radicalization in certain European countries and beyond. As you know, politicians in Europe very often deal with this issue through the prism of migration. Through the crucial question of migration and the progressive transnationality of religious actors taking advantage of increased mobility, we were able to examine, in the framework of a contradictory debate, the trends of radicalization in Africa and the way in which it should be analyzed in a global manner and above all by taking into account the new stakes in relations between Europe and the African continent.
Dr. Bakary Sambe, this Forum was held in a rather unhealthy climate in Europe, with current events in the Middle East and the perception that Islam is essentially radical. Didn't this weigh too heavily on the discussions, and what was your position as an African Muslim as well as an international expert who had been invited by the Austrian authorities?
The climate was difficult, but we had to remind our European interlocutors that on the question of the Middle East, Africa could help to dispassionate the current crisis. Africa has not had the same relationship with Israel, and some African countries are strongly committed to a just and lasting solution, such as Morocco, with the call for a "global alliance" launched by King Mohammed VI, who chairs the Al-Quds Committee, and Senegal, which has headed the UN Committee for the Defense of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People since 1975. It's time to give a chance to the dialogue camp, stifled in recent decades by extremists on both sides. As far as the perception of Islam in Europe is concerned, I feel very strongly about this, and I said so in Vienna: Europe should increasingly take on board the fact that Islam is now part of its landscape, and that Muslim minorities in various countries are European citizens in their own right. And I believe that it would be more profitable for European countries to consider these communities as an opportunity for dialogue in an old continent that needs to assume its historic status as a melting pot of civilizations, far from the essentialist vision that will only suit extremists on all sides.
Timbuktu Institute - November 15, 2023
In a context strongly marked by an irreversible process of multipolarization, the First Saudi Arabia-Africa Summit represents a turning point in international relations, highlighting Saudi Arabia's aspirations to play an increasingly central role on the world stage and offering Africa new opportunities for development and cooperation. The outcome of this summit will be closely watched, as it will help redefine international partnerships and shape the future of relations between Saudi Arabia and the African continent. With this Summit, Saudi Arabia seems to have wanted to mobilize the leaders of its important sphere of influence, represented by the Arab, Muslim and African worlds, on a burning international issue: the Palestinian cause. The Iranian President's participation in the Summit was a highlight for Saudi diplomacy. In his weekly column, the Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute looks back at the stakes of this summit, which could be part of the process of revitalizing a South-South axis.
Dr. Bakary Sambe, on November 10, at the King Abdelaziz International Conference Center, Riyadh welcomed - for the first time ever - many African heads of state to take part in a Saudi-African summit. What signification for this important diplomatic event?
The Summit marks a significant milestone in the evolution of international relations and global economic dynamics, particularly in the South-South strategic partnership. Several African leaders have responded to Riyadh's invitation, seeking opportunities for economic cooperation and the strengthening of political ties. Even some countries in transition, which seem to be neglected on the international scene, see this summit as a golden opportunity to explore new partnerships and diversify their international relations. Traditionally, Saudi Arabia's influence in Africa has manifested itself since the 1970s through religious diplomacy, although development aid and investment have not been absent from Riyadh's African policy, especially with the Saudi Development Fund since 1975. In fact, as the Summit's final communiqué highlighted, there was already "a depth of historic relations between Saudi Arabia and African countries, with more than $45 billion in development aid provided over the past 50 years in many vital sectors". But for Saudi Arabia, it is above all an opportunity to mobilize the diplomatic support of Africa, the largest regional bloc within the UN, particularly on international issues of great interest to the Kingdom.
So, you recently said that this summit is also part of the progressive multipolarization that has begun in recent years. But what is at stake for the continent, which is also in a crucial phase of opening up and diversifying its partnerships?
You know, there was already, a boosting movement back in 2018, the marker of which was the appointment of a Secretary of State for African Affairs. Let's not forget that Saudi Arabia is diplomatically committed to resolving crises in the Horn of Africa and funding the G5 Sahel. Among the major issues at stake at this summit is the assertion of Saudi Arabia as an alternative to Western countries, a kind of transition towards a more global approach that is less focused on religious diplomacy. But; also, the challenge of countering the influence of rivals such as Qatar and Iran. Naturally, for Africa, there are high expectations of economic development and investment opportunities, as well as the challenge of consolidating political partnerships and increasingly asserting its position in the construction of a multipolar world. This is no mean feat when it comes to strengthening Riyadh's regional influence.
But in other words, Dr. Bakary Sambe, with this rush to the continent by all the classic and emerging powers, how will Africa really benefit from such a situation, which seems to be consolidating an African positioning unprecedented in the history of international relations?
Saudi Arabia has announced significant investments in Africa, with pledges reaching nearly $25 billion by 2030. These investments are intended to support development projects in key sectors such as health, education, water and transport, marking a new investment strategy for the kingdom in the region. As an immediate and concrete spin-off from the Summit, twelve African countries, including Guinea and Niger, under sanctions from ECOWAS and Western countries, and in particular Angola, Burundi, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde and Rwanda, will benefit from a loan worth $580 million aimed at stimulating sustainable development on the continent. In fact, Saudi Arabia wanted to mobilize the leaders of its important sphere of influence, represented by the Arab, Muslim and African worlds, on a burning international issue: the Palestinian cause. The Iranian President's participation in the Summit was a highlight for Saudi diplomacy, demonstrating its remarkable agility.
Timbuktu Institute - November 2023