With the 31st summit of the League of Arab States held on November 1 and 2 in Algiers, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, expert in transnational networks and a specialist and informed observer of Arab-African relations, returned to this organization. For him, with the invitation of President Macky Sall by the Arab League, we are witnessing a simple return of the history of Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.

Algiers hosted the 31st Summit of the League of Arab States on November 1 and 2. The Head of State Macky Sall, current Chairman of the African Union, was invited to this meeting by his Algerian counterpart, Abdelmadjid Tebboune. When asked by "Le Soleil" about the significance of this invitation, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute, an expert on transnational networks and an informed observer of Arab-African relations, explained that with Senegal's participation in this meeting, "we are witnessing a simple return of history and Senegal to its place and its historical leadership.

With the return of Senegal and the AU to the Arab League summit, Bakary Sambe believes that things are returning to normal because in the midst of the drought cycle in the Sahel, while the traditional European partners were hit by the oil crisis, the Arab countries had decided, during the sixth summit of Arab Heads of State held in Algiers (26 to 28 November 1973), to provide assistance to sub-Saharan Africa. He also mentioned the creation of Badea, the Special Arab Fund for Aid to Africa (Fasaa) without forgetting the fact that the Council of the Arab League in Tunis had approved the principle of creating an Arab Fund for Technical Assistance to Africa (Fataa).

Bakary Sambe, who devoted his doctoral thesis and several books including "Islam and diplomacy" (2011), "Contestations islamisées : Le Sénégal entre diplomatie d'influence et islam politique" (2018), to diplomatic relations between Senegal and the Arab world argued that "this Algiers summit has returned to Senegal the place that historically and symbolically belonged to him." He even sees a symbol because following the summits of Algiers and Tunis, for the first time, a joint Arab-African ministerial conference was held in Dakar from 15 to 22 April 1976, to examine the project of Afro-Arab cooperation, its content, its modalities and its means of action.

Impact of the 1976 Afro-Arab Conference in Dakar

Dr. Sambe explains that the holding of this 1976 Afro-Arab ministerial conference in Dakar was, at the time, the result of negotiations between Senegal and Arab countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, which received a historic visit from President Senghor in its wake. "We must not forget that following this Dakar conference of 1976, there will be the first historic Afro-Arab Summit of March 1977. At the end of this summit, important decisions were taken to increase Arab public aid to African countries. And efforts were made by Arab oil-exporting countries to assist African countries," he says. The financial surpluses contributed, at the time, to the realization of projects in several African countries and, in particular, in Senegal with the realization of the dams of Diama and Manantali as well as the project of chemical industries of Senegal (Ics).

Senegal, a “link between Africa and the Arab world”

As for this summit, the specialist believes that it will also boost cooperation between Africa and the Arab world which are "old". "The relations between Africa and the Arab world are historically and geographically rooted. Let us not forget that one in three Arabs is African and three quarters of the surface area of the Arab world is on the African continent. The geopolitical reality with transnational networks and security and migration issues continue to remind us that the Sahara has never been an impassable barrier, but a real inland sea that has always invited people to move from one shore to another," explained Dr. Sambe.

Professor Sambe added that at a time when the continental free trade area is announced and that both Africa and the Arab world are in an unprecedented and irreversible diversification of their partnerships, a new opportunity is available for the two geopolitical sets complementary in every respect.

"The entry into play of a Senegal presiding over the AU and as a hyphen, socio-historical and geographical continuum maintaining the best relations with its African peers and its Arab partners, could be a considerable advantage to propel these relations to their best level ever," considers the Director of the Timbuktu Institute.

The summit is being held around the issue of reunification of the Arab world and Senegal as a country with good relations with all parties can have an important role to play. "The Arab world, like all our countries, is riddled with contradictions and differences among the members of the Arab League. I am among those who believe that Senegal, among other levers, the first country to host a summit of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) in sub-Saharan Africa, could have a decisive role in strengthening these relations. Our country is one of the few in the Muslim world to be able to talk to all the others; it is this position that facilitated the presence of Senegal unanimously accepted at this summit," says the observer of the Arab world.

Return of non-alignment?

Dr. Bakary Sambe sees in the revitalization of cooperation between Africa and the Arab world the revival of non-alignment in a world where division is exacerbated by the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. "It is as if the old concept of non-alignment is being revitalized and corresponds perfectly to the spirit of Third Worldism of the 1950s, following the famous Bandoeng conference at the time of charismatic leaders of the Arab world and Africa like Nasser and Nkrumah.

Today, it is a new Africa that meets an Arab world that is questioning itself at a time when the Senegalese presidency under the aegis of Macky Sall is succeeding in positioning the AU as a geopolitical reality that prioritizes the strategic interests of the continent and the diversification of partnerships as reaffirmed at the recent Dakar Forum on Peace and Security," said Dr. Bakary Sambe.

Oumar KANDE (Translated from French)

source : Le Soleil

La commission de la CEDEAO et la République togolaise ont porté leur choix sur Serigne Babacar Sy Mansour entre autres trois éminentes personnalités africaines pour le parrainage du 3e Forum sur l’éducation à la culture de la paix, à travers le dialogue intra et inter religieux, la commission de la CEDEAO qui portait sur le thème : «Communautés, extrémisme violent et cohésion sociale en Afrique de l’Ouest». Dr. Bakary Sambe qui y participait en tant que Directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute voit dans ce choix « une consécration du modèle sénégalais mais aussi une reconnaissance hautement symbolique de l’action et des enseignements de Serigne Babacar Sy Mansour en cette année de commémoration du centenaire de Cheikh El Hadji Malick Sy ». Pour le spécialiste des dynamiques régionales et enseignant-chercheur au Centre d’étude des religions de l’Université Gaston Berger de Saint-Louis, « ce choix devrait inciter les chercheurs africains et la communauté internationale à une meilleure exploration des possibilités qu’offrent la place et l’influence des leaders religieux dans la consolidation de la paix en Afrique »

La chronique « Hebdo Africain » du Timbuktu Institute en partenariat avec Medi1TV est consacrée cette semaine à cet « évènement de haute portée »

Médi1TV : La Commission de la CEDEAO et le Togo ont co-organisé un Forum Régional sur la paix dont l'un des parrains à été son Éminence le Khalife Général de la Tijaniyya Cheikh Serigne Babacar Sy Mansour aux côtés de son Excellence Monseigneur Edward Tamba CHARLES, Archevêque de Freetown et de Son Altesse Nana Kobina Nketsia V,  Chef suprême de la région traditionnelle d'Essikado, sur le  Thème : « Communautés, extrémisme violent et cohésion sociale en Afrique de l'ouest. Vous y voyez une consécration du modèle sénégalais et une certaine reconnaissance du rôle de Serigne Babacar Sy Mansour dans la recherche et la consolidation de la paix. Pouvez-vous revenir sur la portée d'une telle initiative ?

Ce forum tenu à un moment symbolique où l’on commémore le Centenaire de la disparition de Cheikh El Hadji Malick Sy, co-organisé par l’Etat du Togo et la CEDEAO est une reconnaissance de l’aptitude des religions à contribuer à l’éducation à la culture de la paix à travers le dialogue inter et intra-religieux et de l’influence des chefs religieux et traditionnels en tant que leaders d’opinion dans la promotion de la paix, de la tolérance aux niveaux régional et local. En fait, l’action et les discours de Serigne Babacar Sy Mansour appelant constamment à la paix et au vivre ensemble même dans les moments les plus critiques de l’histoire contemporaine du Sénégal ont été inspirants au point que la CEDEAO le choisisse parmi les parrains de cette importante rencontre régionale. Cette démarche a été tellement pertinente que dans la déclaration finale du Forum, dite Déclaration de Lomé, il a été fortement recommandé de maintenir la dynamique biennale de ce Forum et de mettre en place un mécanisme régional de suivi des recommandations. Le message du Khalife général des Tidianes lors de cette rencontre a été hautement salué et a fortement inspiré les réflexions qui ont suivi lors des différents panels donnant ainsi au Forum une certaine dimension et davantage de légitimité.

Medi1Tv : Le Timbuktu Institute par votre participation a été impliqué au panel sur la résilience. Pouvez-vous revenir sur le rôle stabilisateur de ces légitimités religieuses et traditionnelles dans le contexte régional actuel?

L’émergence de cette thématique et son inscription progressive dans l’agenda de la recherche de la paix et de la promotion du dialogue ont été favorisées par la conjonction d’au moins trois facteurs essentiels : il y a rôle croissant des légitimités traditionnelles et religieuses dans les sociétés sahéliennes et ouest-africaines. Ensuite, ils assurent une fonction régulatrice socialement et culturellement instituée et communément admises par les communautés locales. Ces leaders ont, enfin, une implication constructive de plus en plus reconnue en contexte de crise en tant que premiers interlocuteurs et souvent derniers remparts. Les dirigeants de la région semblent, progressivement saisir cette dynamique en mettant en place plusieurs structures visant à valoriser et à institutionnaliser ce rôle capital des acteurs religieux dans la consolidation de la paix. Reste encore une fois telle que nous ne cessons de le plaider que la communauté internationale reconnaisse la dignité de solutions à nos stratégies endogènes.

Medi1TV :  Justement dans ce cadre avec ce que vous appelez les "énormes ressources sympathiques que partagent le Maroc et l'Afrique subsaharienne" dans quelle mesure l'échange de bonnes pratiques entre le Sénégal et le Maroc plus particulièrement pourrait être bénéfique à la recherche de la paix dans la région et au-delà?

Les ressources symboliques que les deux pays partagent en tant qu’éléments constitutifs d’un modèle religieux en commun à savoir le rite malikite, le dogme ash’arite et le soufisme comme la confrérie Tijaniyya devraient inspirer plus de synergie d’actions. Les efforts du Maroc dans la formation des imams et la déconstruction du discours extrémiste à travers la Fondation Mohammed VI des Oulémas africains ainsi que les initiatives menées au Sénégal dans le même sens à Tivaouane où dès 2014 un Symposium co-présidé par Serigne Abdoul Aziz Sy Al-Amine et le président Macky Sall fut consacré à des réponses doctrinales face aux radicalismes sont autant d’éléments confortant la pertinence d’un axe Dakar-Rabat sur ce terrain de la prévention et de la lutte contre les extrémismes dévastateurs qui compromettent la paix et la stabilité de la région.

By Bakary Sambe

Timbuktu Institute - November 2022

Since 2016, the self-proclaimed Islamic State (IS) has been conducting a propaganda offensive targeting Southeast Asian Muslims as they recruit Indonesians, Malaysians and Filipinos to join the “war effort” in Iraq and Syria, or to carry out armed jihad in their own region.  Subsequently, a joint war against IS was waged by the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Global Coalition to Defeat IS). Despite the colossal work that remains to be done in the Middle East to demolish all the cells of the IS and Al-Qaeda. However, attention is turning to the second front in the fight against global terrorism [1] which is South-East Asia.

One of the frontiers of the next round is likely to be Southeast Asia, where Middle Eastern terrorist groups (ISIS al-Qaeda, etc.) have found common cause with separatist movements and Muslim extremist groups in the Philippines, Indonesia, Singapore and Malaysia. Certainly, terrorism in South-East Asia is not new. In 1995, Bin Laden cells in Manila plotted the assassination of President Clinton and the Pope and planned to blow up American planes on East Asian routes.

Foreign Terrorist Fighters (FTFs) within Al Qaeda and the Islamic state have been one of the major threats to peace and security in South and Southeast Asia.  Indeed, before the Islamic state, Al-Qaeda had created allies around the world, particularly in Southeast Asian countries (Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines, etc.) through foreign terrorist fighters, who returned to their home countries, when the Islamic state suffered devastating military defeats, losing control of virtually all the territory it once controlled in Iraq and Syria. It is almost certain that such cells will continue to exist in another territory, carrying out the same terrorist acts and activities and violent extremism[2].

In Indonesia,

Cells affiliated with the Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD) and isolated Islamic state-inspired actors continue to target police and other government targets. Although Indonesia is not a member of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS), the Indonesian government and Muslim civil society leaders have strongly and repeatedly denounced the IS and have actively promoted the importance of the CVE's efforts to complement CT's law enforcement efforts. While Indonesia's efforts to combat violent extremism have had some success, part of its Islamist community remains committed to militant jihadism. The return from abroad of hundreds of militants linked to the Islamic state means that there is now a greater need than ever for interventions to prevent radicalization - and for programmes to reintegrate militants into society.

As part of institutional cooperation in Southeast Asia, Indonesia is an active member of the Global Counter Terrorism Forum (GCTF) and co-chairs the CVE working group with Australia. The Indonesian, Malaysian and Philippine Armed Forces continued their coordinated patrols in the Sulu and Sulawesi Seas to deter and prevent kidnapping and terrorist transit in their adjacent Exclusive Economic Zones.

In the Philippines,

Terrorists continued to target civilians and security forces with booby traps and small arms, and the emergence of suicide bombings posed new challenges to Philippine security forces. Indeed, there are terrorist groups active in Indonesia and at the same time in the Philippines.  EI-Philippines affiliated groups continue their efforts to recover from battlefield casualties, recruit and train new members, and organize suicide attacks and attacks. EI affiliates in the Philippines include elements of the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters (BIFF), Ansar al-Khalifa Philippines (AKP) and the Maute Group. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc. The Philippines remained a destination for FTFs from Indonesia, the Gulf countries, etc.

China and the Philippines

The two countries share broad common interests in non-traditional security issues, and both countries have great potential for cooperation in counter-terrorism. As a major responsible country, when the Philippines suffers terrorist attacks, China has an obligation to provide assistance.

 In 2017 and 2018, China has donated three batches of weapons to the Philippines to help the country fight terrorism. According to Rodrigo Duterte, on improving his country's security, cooperation with China and the suppression of terrorism. "Only China can help us".

As for Singapore, the fight against terrorism still remains a major political priority. Singapore's national counter-terrorism apparatus and its ability to detect, deter and disrupt threats have remained effective. Singapore has been a member of the Coalition to Defeat ISIS (Coalition to Defeat ISIS) since 2014 and extended its support in 2016 beyond military means to include medical teams in Iraq. It has developed a comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy based on global and regional trends. This strategy includes vigilant security measures, regional cooperation (with countries in the South-East Asian region) in law enforcement, efforts to counter radicalization and strategies to prepare the population for possible attacks.

The very productive levels of counter-terrorism cooperation (among the countries of the region) that have developed in recent years are still continuing, as is the increased sharing of information.

South-South cooperation against terrorism

The ASEAN-CT initiative aims to enhance cooperation among law enforcement and other relevant authorities of ASEAN member States to combat, prevent and suppress terrorism, terrorist organizations and their associations, disrupt their support networks and hinder their planning of terrorist acts and bring them to justice[3]. One of the most important activities of the ASEAN-ETC programme has been the border security actions, called "Operation Sunbird", carried out in 2015 and 2016, which allowed the screening of passengers and travel documents at airports and border crossings. As a result of the enhanced border presence during Operation Sunbird II in 2016, five separate drug seizures were made at the port of Batam, Indonesia, resulting in the arrest of five people. In line with the counter-terrorism objective of the programme, the operations increased intelligence sharing among member countries in the region and beyond. One specific result was the arrest and deportation from South Korea of two Indonesian nationals suspected of having terrorist links[4].

In the context of preventing radicalization, recruitment and recidivism, ASEAN had an advantage in this fight, as almost all of its member States had considerable expertise in the area of rehabilitation and counter-propaganda. Two examples of such innovative approaches should be mentioned in particular. First, the Singapore Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG), which actively combats the misperceptions and instrumentalization of Islam by radicals through a grassroots approach. This includes a counselling centre, a smartphone application, publications by religious scholars, conferences and community outreach events[5].

The second initiative is RDC3, the regional digital counter-messaging communication centre recently launched by Malaysia. The centre opposes IS's propaganda and particularly its misuse of the Muslim religion in cyberspace by disseminating content developed in collaboration with the Department of Islamic Development of Malaysia (JAKIM))[6]

For China, terrorism is not a new phenomenon. But it did not receive much attention before the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York, but it showed that no country, no matter how powerful, was immune to terrorism[7]. Certainly, China has a wealth of experience in the fight against terrorism as well as in advanced technologies and military equipment.

Certainly, to address these threats, the governments of Southeast Asian countries have adapted military and security, law enforcement and counter-radicalization efforts. Countries continue to cooperate with other countries in the South, such as China. At the meeting in Beijing on 7 April 2016, China and the countries of South-East Asia agreed to improve their security and counter-terrorism cooperation. In particular, by strengthening multilateral and bilateral cooperation, increasing information exchange, broadening areas of cooperation and building capacity for cooperation in the fight against terrorism, in order to establish a platform for multilateral cooperation in the field of counter-terrorism with regional characteristics to protect individuals in the region and help maintain regional security and stability. The authorities of the South-East Asian countries agreed with the Chinese authorities to commit to further strengthen information exchange and take pragmatic measures in the field of counter-terrorism with China[8]. For the ASEAN countries and China, the fight against terrorism has been and will continue to be one of the most difficult tasks in preserving their respective national security strategies.

South-East Asia faces a grim counter-terrorism situation. In recent years, there have been frequent terrorist attacks in Indonesia, Myanmar, Thailand and the Philippines, and China can cooperate more closely with the whole of ASEAN. In 2018, six ASEAN member countries launched the "Our Eyes" intelligence initiative. They have developed a common database of violent extremists. But since most ASEAN countries still lack the capacity to deal independently with terrorist attacks, China can help them by forging cooperation. China also needs the help of Southeast Asian countries, as some extremists from Xinjiang tend to migrate illegally to the Middle East via Thailand, Malaysia and Vietnam[9].

The experience of South-East Asia shows that South-South cooperation can build on the initiatives of individual countries, but above all on the opportunities to share experiences and good practices

The fact that the terrorist phenomenon is tackled by taking into account both the preventive and the counter-terrorism dimension tells us about the effectiveness of the mixed approach that has long been neglected in the Sahel.

The mutual trust that has facilitated intelligence sharing and established cooperative relations despite the many vested interests between these countries should inspire the Sahel countries. Moreover, the existence of regional and sub-regional frameworks should further promote and facilitate such a strategy.

Taking into account the regional dimension in the elaboration of strategies as well as the definition of community action frameworks seems to be an interesting avenue for West African countries at a time when foreign interventions have shown their limits. This is the price to pay for the re-credibilisation of the fight against terrorism and the adoption of alternative strategies to the all-security approach.

[1] Marguerite Borelli, "Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses", Vol. 9, No. 9 (September 2017), pp. 14-20,  in International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2307/26351552

[2]Country Reports on Terrorism 2018, BUREAU OF COUNTERTERRORISM, P. 43. available at: https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Country-Reports-on-Terrorism-2018-FINAL.pdf last visit: 23-06-2020

[3] ASEAN comprehensive plan of action on counter terrorism, Endorsed by 7th AMMTC on 17November 2009.

[4]https://www.interpol.int/en/How-we-work/Capacity-building/Capacity-building-projects/Improving-counter-terrorism-skills-in-Southeast-Asia

[5] Religious Rehabilitation Group (RRG). “About RRG.” [date unknown]. available at: https://www.rrg.sg/about-rrg/

[6]Bernama. “Malaysia’s Counter-Messaging Centre combating terrorism, radical activities, says DPM.” New Straits Times. November 8, 2016. Available at: https://www.nst.com.my/news/2016/11/186976/malaysias-counter-messaging-centre-combating-terrorism-radical-activities-says . Last visit: 02-07-2020

[7]https://www.peacepalacelibrary.nl/ebooks/files/304787639.pdf

[8]http://arabic.news.cn/2016-04/08/c_135259378.htm

[9]http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1137572.shtml

Dakar, Senegal – The German Foundation for Africa and partners recently held a conference on strengthening democracy in Africa and the G7 Countries.

The two-day event held on September 26-27 at Germany’s Federal Foreign Office in Berlin was characterized with lively debates on the theme how to deal with the increasing systemic competition and external influence in Africa and what conclusions to draw for German foreign policy.  The conference was jointly organized by German Institute for International and Security Affairs.

Representing Timbuktu Institute of Dakar at the conference, Mrs Adji Awa Samb, Timbuktu’s senior officer responsible for Cooperation and Regional projects had her take during the debate which revolved around questions like - which opportunities and risks does the increasing global systemic competition entails for Africa-Europe relations.

Responding to the question above, Mrs Adji remarked: 

First of all, we must take into account a new fact: Today, the situation has changed and Africa will no longer have only a passive role. For at least three reasons: First, we are in a divided world in which the alignments are both multiple and diffuse.   

Second, we are in a world where the distribution of power is very fragmented with the combined effect of classic powers that are declining, emerging powers that are rising, and a multitude of states that are claiming middle power status.

Therefore, she continued,

we can no longer see this competition as a simple competition between powers. We must take into account this situation which also gives Africa the opportunity to choose and diversify its partners.

According to her, the strong presence of China, the return of Russia, the Gulf States and also Turkey should not be overlooked.

Turning her attention to the other question: how should Germany adjust its communication policy in Africa when it comes to the activities of other external powers?, Mrs Adji highlighted some points.

The situation has really changed, we are in the configuration that allows us to talk about off-shore balancing. This is the mechanism by which the great classical powers ensure that the strategic shift of the African continent has an impact on the balance of power at the international level,

she observed.

In Africa, Germany, especially in the last Merkel years, has freed itself from European tutelage and has asserted itself as a power with its own African policy, particularly in the Sahel. It has played a major role on two levels: militarily alongside Europe, but especially in development. Germany does not suffer from the image of a colonial power in the Sahel. It can continue to emphasize partnership instead of domination,

Mrs. Adji reiterated.

Meanwhile, she went on to look at other question like - What are the implications of the changing global order for Germany's existing instruments and partnerships with African countries and regional organisations?.

In the framework of the Timbuktu Institute's weekly column in partnership with Medi1TV, Dr. Bakary Sambe spoke at length about the place of Africa in this new Geopolitics that is taking shape, but above all about the debate on democracy as a principle brandished against autocracies in a context of new confrontation between the Western world, Russia and China. Below is the text of the full interview, where the director of the Timbuktu Institute also addresses the need to endogenize democracy as an African reality by taking into account the historical and political trajectories of African countries with examples drawn from the experiences claimed on the continent (video)

Dr. Bakary Sambe, you have just taken part in the 5th Lisbon Conference in Portugal on the theme "Towards a New World Order" and you argued that in the wake of the war in Ukraine and international rivalries, the Western bloc seems to be returning to the classics by brandishing the democratic ideal in the face of the rise of new powers. What makes you say this, and is this something new?

It's like déjà vu with the End of History theory. But this time, the reconstituted Western bloc, in its confrontation with Russia and the rising powers described as autocrats, wants to return to its classics such as democracy and the rule of law after decades full of contradictions in international practices where pragmatism around strategic interests had largely prevailed over universal principles. In the past, there was the Baule conference convened by the former French President Mitterrand, followed by the series of national conferences in the 1990s and the introduction of a multi-party system on the continent with the outcome that we know. Since then, the emergence of economic development models that have taken place in non-democratic contexts has not failed to call into question the democratic project that has long been presented, rightly or wrongly, as a panacea, especially after the harmful effects of structural adjustment policies imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions.

At the beginning of October, the Democracy Innovation Foundation was launched in Johannesburg, South Africa, for which the Timbuktu Institute conducted a survey as a continental consultation of African youth. Is this also part of this rethinking of the ideal of democracy that you often talk about?

You know, the change in the international context, with the rise of China, Iran, Turkey and other powers, has changed the agenda of Western countries, which have entered into a process of economic and strategic balancing with Beijing, and so the leverage that supported the democratisation processes has lost its strength. So this resurgence of the theme of democracy is not insignificant. After the Democracy Summit organised by the United States, the announcement of a 2.5 billion dollars fund for the promotion of democracy by Blinken, the recent launch in South Africa at the beginning of October of the Innovation for Democracy Foundation, supported by France, as well as the last meeting of young African leaders in Berlin organised by Germany in the framework of its presidency of the G7 are obviously part of this framework.

But Dr. Bakary Sambe, with political instability, coups d'état and the emergence of populism and nationalism on all sides, do you think it will be easy to succeed in meeting this challenge of democratic re-enchantment in the current context?

The main challenge of the West for the discourse on democracy is that of re-credibilisation in the eyes of African public opinion. The democratic project also needs to be endogenized so that it is perceived, not as a Western idea, but as an African reality and it will be necessary to take into account the historical and political trajectories of African countries with examples drawn from pre-colonial Africa. But to conclude, I think that the most complex and difficult challenge to take up, and which seems fundamental, remains that of recreating a healthy link by assuming a healthy, critical and continuous debate on the new South-North relations to be rethought and reconstructed.

Source : Medi1TV

« Les Africains n’ont pas de problème avec le principe démocratique, mais c’est au niveau de sa déclinaison et de son endogénéisation que se situe le débat et s’expriment des attentes, en plus des inconséquences qui l’ont desservi à un moment où le modèle est challengé par d’autres offres dans un contexte lourd de tensions et de compétitions au plan international »

A ainsi entamé Bakary Sambe lors de la Conférence de Lisbonne 2022.

Le Directeur Régional du Timbuktu Institute a été invité à prendre part à la Conférence de Lisbonne 2022. Son intervention a ouvert le panel sur la “hiérarchie des guerres” qu’il devait partager avec d’éminentes personnalités du monde académique comme les Professeurs Paul Collier de l’Université d’Oxford, Raquel Vaz Pinto du Portuguese Institute of International Relations (IPRI) à Nova Lisbon University, Lisbon, Stella Ghervaz de Newcastle University, et Teresa Cravo de l’Université de Coimbra (Portugal). Cette conférence qui se déroule dans le contexte de la guerre en Ukraine et des interrogations sur le devenir du système international, a été fortement marquée par le débat sur les reconfigurations en cours au plan international.

Dr. Bakary Sambe est largement revenu sur la place de l’Afrique dans cette nouvelle géopolitique qui se dessine mais surtout le débat sur la démocratie en tant que principe brandi contre les autocraties dans un contexte de nouvel affrontement entre le monde occidental, la Russie et la Chine. Mais pour Bakary Sambe,

« on ne pourrait repenser la place de la démocratie, notamment en Afrique, sans regarder en face les différentes contradictions des démocraties elles-mêmes, ces dernières décennies ».

Il rappelle, à ce propos, que

« la troisième vague de la démocratie a fini de toucher le continent africain, au début des années 1990, portée à la fois par des dynamiques internes et externes ».

Il souligne que

« sur le plan interne, les difficultés économiques des années 80, les politiques d’ajustement structurel et, dans certains cas, les mobilisations citoyennes, ont contribué au problème de légitimité des régimes autoritaires et, en même temps, à une libéralisation et à des transitions avec des résultats variés ».

De ce fait, selon Sambe,

« sur le plan externe, les liens avec l’Occident et l’effet de levier que les puissances occidentales ont utilisé pour promouvoir les démocratisations, ont été un élément central du processus ».

 Cependant, Bakary Sambe a tenu à rappeler que la résurgence de la thématique de la démocratie, comme principe remis à l’ordre du jour, n’est pas anodine. Après le Sommet sur la démocratie, organisé par les Etats-Unis, l’annonce d’un important fonds pour la démocratie par le Secrétaire d'Etat américain, Blinken, le récent lancement, en Afrique du Sud, début octobre, de la Fondation de l’Innovation pour la démocratie appuyé par la France, la récente réunion de jeunes leaders africains à Berlin organisée par l’Allemagne dans le cadre de sa présidence du G7, font dire à Bakary Sambe qu’

« on a l’impression que l’Occident, dans son affrontement avec la Russie et les puissances montantes qu’il qualifie d’autocrates, veut revenir à ses classiques comme la démocratie et l’Etat de droit après des décennies pleines de contradictions dans les pratiques internationales où le pragmatisme autour des intérêts stratégiques l’avait largement emporté sur les principes universels ».

De ce fait, pour le Directeur du Timbuktu Institute

« il semblerait que le changement dans le contexte international, avec la montée de la Chine, de l’Iran, de la Turquie et d’autres puissances, a changé l’agenda des pays occidentaux qui sont entrés dans un processus d’équilibrage économique et stratégique face à Pékin et, ainsi, l’effet de levier qui appuyait les processus de démocratisation a fini par perdre de sa force ». 

Sur un autre plan, Bakary Sambe soutient que « la diversification des partenariats économiques a dilué l’importance du « linkage » avec l’Occident, à travers des rapports dénués de toute conditionnalité démocratique comme avec la Chine, ou reposant même sur des transferts des outils et des pratiques autoritaires dans le cas de la Turquie ».

 Pour Bakary Sambe,

« il y a un énorme défi à relever, aujourd’hui  pour re-booster le principe démocratique et surtout asseoir son acceptabilité universelle auprès des pays africains. Car, rappelle-t-il, depuis les efforts de démocratisation dans les années 90, beaucoup d’eau a coulé sous les ponts »

Et, poursuit-il

« l’émergence de modèles de développement économique qui se sont opérés dans des contextes non démocratiques, n’a pas manqué de remettre en question le projet démocratique qui a longtemps été présenté à tort ou à raison comme la panacée ».

En quelque sorte, pour Sambe,

« ces modèles ont d’autant plus de succès qu’ils ont semblé inspirer un certain nombre de pays qui apparaissent comme des «success stories», avec notamment le Rwanda et, dans une moindre mesure, l’Éthiopie. C’est dire que le projet démocratique a grandement besoin d’un renouveau pour le mettre hors de portée des « vents défavorables » (Diamond 2019) qui n’épargnent aucune région du monde »

A ce contexte déjà complexe, vient s’ajouter la guerre en Ukraine qui rend moins sereine la réflexion sur la démocratie en tant que principe universel. Pour Sambe, l’analyse de ce conflit a fortement pesé sur le débat. D’après lui,

« ceux qui analysent le conflit sous l’angle de la personnalité de Poutine ne prennent pas en compte la complexité du problème. Il s’agit ici d’analyser les stratégies des États dans leur volonté d’assurer leur survie. L’Occident veut jouer sur l’image d’un Poutine autocrate, alors que si les dirigeants occidentaux sont sans doute moins dominateurs envers leur peuple que Poutine, ils n’en sont pas moins aussi froids et calculateurs face à leurs intérêts ».

Cet ensemble de considérations a amené Dr. Bakary Sambe à conclure que

« le principal défi de l’Occident pour le discours sur la démocratie est celui de la re-crédibilisation aux yeux des opinions publiques africaines ».

Selon lui,

« le projet démocratique a aussi besoin d’une endogénéisation pour qu’il soit perçu, non pas comme une idée occidentale, mais comme une réalité africaine  et il faudra prendre en compte les trajectoires historiques et politiques des pays africains avec des exemples tirés de l’Afrique précoloniale ».

Pour ce faire,

« il faudrait redonner la dignité d’expérience historique valorisée aux processus comme celui du royaume Ashanti, l’ancrage socioculturel de la démocratie dans les cultures et le passé africains comme l’exemple et la Révolution Torodo du royaume du Fouta Toro en 1776 avant la Révolution Française de 1789 ».

Cependant, conclura Sambe, « le défi le plus complexe et difficile à relever, et qui semble fondamental, reste celui de recréer du lien sain en assumant un débat sain, critique et continu sur les nouveaux rapports Sud-Nord à repenser et à reconstruire »