In recent years, Turkey's presence in Africa has attracted a great deal of interest from diplomats and international relations specialists alike. It is often analyzed by Western experts in terms of an irruption into a space that some consider to be a private preserve, or sometimes as part of a new competition of models between powers embodying liberal democracy and others that symbolize the return of autocracies. In this interview, Dr. Bakary Sambe, Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute, looks back at the trajectory of Turkey's anchorage in sub-Saharan Africa, from the perspective of the continent itself and the new geopolitical realities taking shape there. This interview is part of the weekly column in partnership with Medi1TV, in which Sana Yassari is interviewed. 

Dr. Bakary Sambe, Recep Tayyib Erdogan has just been re-elected head of Turkey. In recent years, there has been a lot of talk about Turkey's presence in Africa. Will Erdogan's re-election strengthen his country's involvement on the continent? Or could we expect a major break?

It's clear that President Erdogan had initiated a genuine policy of intensifying relations with Africa. But an important fact is that Ankara, itself, has dismantled its own instrument of influence as part of the relentless fight against Gülen. In the wake of the 2014 coup attempt, Ankara put pressure on the region's states to get rid of two structures that had acted as relays for Turkish diplomacy in the Sahel, which were making greater inroads among the intelligentsia and major economic players: the Gülen Brotherhood and Atlantique Turquie Sénégal Association (ATSA). While this movement had a great capacity for mobilization and deployment abroad, bringing together within a confederation of different businessmen's associations with over 15,000 members, some followers are regrouping around large-scale projects. Despite its interest in Africa, President Erdogan's stance on the return of the Taliban to power in Afghanistan, and his statements on refugees threatening Turkey's internal security and stability in addition to its "Kurdish problem", leave no doubt as to Turkey's true international concerns. Yes, Turkey is making more of an impact in terms of trade and infrastructure development, benefiting, like China, from the image of a country with no imperial past, primarily geared to conquering new markets at the expense of the former colonial powers. But it's clear that Turkey's ambitions for Africa go far beyond the economy.

For a longer-term analysis, could you explain how Turkey was able to establish itself in Africa to the point where it is now competing with traditional powers that are even beginning to see Turkey as a real competitor in the new partnerships underway on our continent?

Yes, from the early 2000s onwards, a number of Turkish initiatives supported a foreign policy that was just getting off the ground on the continent. Turkey followed in the footsteps of Morocco, which relied on the Moroccan Agency for International Cooperation (AMCI). To support this new policy, Ankara, like its traditional partners and new players in the region, wanted to equip itself with a high-performance exchange tool: TIKA. The Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency opened a regional office in Dakar in 2007. In this context, the diplomat confided that Turkish foreign policy towards Africa "is not only based on economic and commercial objectives, but also integrates a global approach that includes the development of Africa through technical assistance and projects in fields such as disease control, agricultural development, irrigation, energy and education, and a regular flow of humanitarian aid".

But we know that, culturally and geographically, Turkey is too far away from these regions where it seeks a stronger foothold. Is this anchorage then the fruit of a strategy of influence to which today's competitors have paid no attention in recent decades?

Indeed, there are still a number of obstacles in the way of an effective policy of influence. It's true that Ankara is making an economic breakthrough with the construction of infrastructure projects such as Niamey airport in Niger, and is heavily involved in the new city of Diamniadio on the outskirts of Dakar. There's also a revitalization of this policy in the field of religious education, with the establishment of an Islamic complex in the Guinean capital, Conakry, where Turkey was keen to send teachers "under supervision", especially after the failed "coup d'état" of 2014. Ultimately, however, the Sahelian terrain still poses a number of challenges for Ankara, which are far from having been met if it is to assert itself as an imposing player in the great game being played out there. Ankara does not yet have the economic clout of China, with its diplomatic and strategic levers, nor the historical roots within the political elite of its Western partners, let alone the diplomatic agility to build up such image capital as to make up for its disadvantage in relation to Morocco and Saudi Arabia, particularly in the market for symbolic and religious goods. But Turkey's increasingly assertive presence in Africa is a geopolitical reality that will have to be reckoned with from now on.

On October 24, the 2023 edition of the Vienna Forum opened on the theme of "Countering Segregation and Extremism in the Context of Integration", with the participation of officials and experts from all over Europe. This year's event saw the participation of such prominent figures as Davor Božinović, Croatia's Minister of the Interior, Kaare Dybvad Bek, Denmark's Minister of Immigration and Integration, and Ana Catarina Mendes, Portugal's Minister of Parliamentary Affairs. Opening the proceedings, Susanne Raab, Austria's Minister for Women, Family, Integration and the Media, stressed the need for synergy between the various players. In the presence of Bart Somers, Vice-Minister-President of the Flemish Government in Belgium, Sofia Voultepsi, Vice-Minister for Migration and Asylum in Greece, and Etienne Apaire, Secretary General of France's Comité interministériel de prévention de la délinquance et de la radicalisation (Interministerial Committee for the Prevention of Delinquency and Radicalization), discussions revolved around the experiences of different countries in managing religious issues, as well as policies put in place to integrate religious minorities, particularly Muslims.

This edition welcomed the eminent Senegalese academic and expert, founder of the Observatoire des Radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique and Director of the Timbuktu Institute - African Center for Peace Studies, Dr. Bakary Sambe. He was invited by the Austrian government to take part in this annual event at the suggestion of Her Excellency Ursula Fahringer, Austrian Ambassador to Senegal, as part of the promotion of exchanges between her country and Senegal.

In his weekly column on Medi1TV devoted to the event this week, he answers journalist Pape Cheikh Diouf's questions on the stakes of his participation as an African expert, and the lessons to be learned from the Vienna Forum.

Dr. Bakary Sambe, you have just taken part in the Vienna Forum organized by the Federal Chancellery of the Austrian government on the theme of "Segregation and violent extremism in a context of integration". What was the significance of such a theme in the current European context?

The focus was on the challenges of conflict prevention, especially in the wake of recent riots and terrorist attacks in many European countries, where the main perpetrators were more often minors of immigrant origin born in Europe. It was also necessary to reflect on possible strategies to meet the challenge of managing personal freedom of religion and expression, and scientific and academic freedom, in the face of the emergence of extremist ideologies. Numerous ministers from Croatia, Denmark and Portugal took part. Opening the proceedings, Susanne Raab, Austrian Minister for Women, Family, Integration and the Media, stressed the need for synergy between the various players. It had to be clearly emphasized that Islam in its teachings is not the source of radicalization and extremism, but rather "the manipulation of religious symbols for political, ideological or other motives".

As an African expert, founder of the Observatoire des radicalismes et conflits religieux en Afrique since 2012. What contribution could you make to such a meeting taking place in Europe, especially in terms of cross-analysis with European experts?

I was able to exchange views with many European leaders, such as Lisa Fellhofer, Director of the Austrian Documentation Centre on Political Islam, Kenneth Schmidt-Hansen, Director of the Danish Centre for Documentation and Counter-Extremism, and Paul Doran, the UK's FCDO counter-terrorism advisor. But it was important for me to draw attention to certain forms of religiously-motivated extremism that have not yet been the subject of in-depth, dispassionate research to support the fight against the discrimination and racism that generate frustration and radicalization in certain European countries and beyond. As you know, politicians in Europe very often deal with this issue through the prism of migration. Through the crucial question of migration and the progressive transnationality of religious actors taking advantage of increased mobility, we were able to examine, in the framework of a contradictory debate, the trends of radicalization in Africa and the way in which it should be analyzed in a global manner and above all by taking into account the new stakes in relations between Europe and the African continent.

Dr. Bakary Sambe, this Forum was held in a rather unhealthy climate in Europe, with current events in the Middle East and the perception that Islam is essentially radical. Didn't this weigh too heavily on the discussions, and what was your position as an African Muslim as well as an international expert who had been invited by the Austrian authorities?

The climate was difficult, but we had to remind our European interlocutors that on the question of the Middle East, Africa could help to dispassionate the current crisis. Africa has not had the same relationship with Israel, and some African countries are strongly committed to a just and lasting solution, such as Morocco, with the call for a "global alliance" launched by King Mohammed VI, who chairs the Al-Quds Committee, and Senegal, which has headed the UN Committee for the Defense of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People since 1975. It's time to give a chance to the dialogue camp, stifled in recent decades by extremists on both sides. As far as the perception of Islam in Europe is concerned, I feel very strongly about this, and I said so in Vienna: Europe should increasingly take on board the fact that Islam is now part of its landscape, and that Muslim minorities in various countries are European citizens in their own right. And I believe that it would be more profitable for European countries to consider these communities as an opportunity for dialogue in an old continent that needs to assume its historic status as a melting pot of civilizations, far from the essentialist vision that will only suit extremists on all sides.

Timbuktu Institute - November 15, 2023

In a context strongly marked by an irreversible process of multipolarization, the First Saudi Arabia-Africa Summit represents a turning point in international relations, highlighting Saudi Arabia's aspirations to play an increasingly central role on the world stage and offering Africa new opportunities for development and cooperation. The outcome of this summit will be closely watched, as it will help redefine international partnerships and shape the future of relations between Saudi Arabia and the African continent.  With this Summit, Saudi Arabia seems to have wanted to mobilize the leaders of its important sphere of influence, represented by the Arab, Muslim and African worlds, on a burning international issue: the Palestinian cause.  The Iranian President's participation in the Summit was a highlight for Saudi diplomacy. In his weekly column, the Regional Director of the Timbuktu Institute looks back at the stakes of this summit, which could be part of the process of revitalizing a South-South axis.

Dr. Bakary Sambe, on November 10, at the King Abdelaziz International Conference Center, Riyadh welcomed - for the first time ever - many African heads of state to take part in a Saudi-African summit. What signification for this important diplomatic event?

The Summit marks a significant milestone in the evolution of international relations and global economic dynamics, particularly in the South-South strategic partnership. Several African leaders have responded to Riyadh's invitation, seeking opportunities for economic cooperation and the strengthening of political ties. Even some countries in transition, which seem to be neglected on the international scene, see this summit as a golden opportunity to explore new partnerships and diversify their international relations. Traditionally, Saudi Arabia's influence in Africa has manifested itself since the 1970s through religious diplomacy, although development aid and investment have not been absent from Riyadh's African policy, especially with the Saudi Development Fund since 1975. In fact, as the Summit's final communiqué highlighted, there was already "a depth of historic relations between Saudi Arabia and African countries, with more than $45 billion in development aid provided over the past 50 years in many vital sectors". But for Saudi Arabia, it is above all an opportunity to mobilize the diplomatic support of Africa, the largest regional bloc within the UN, particularly on international issues of great interest to the Kingdom.

So, you recently said that this summit is also part of the progressive multipolarization that has begun in recent years. But what is at stake for the continent, which is also in a crucial phase of opening up and diversifying its partnerships?

You know, there was already, a boosting movement back in 2018, the marker of which was the appointment of a Secretary of State for African Affairs. Let's not forget that Saudi Arabia is diplomatically committed to resolving crises in the Horn of Africa and funding the G5 Sahel. Among the major issues at stake at this summit is the assertion of Saudi Arabia as an alternative to Western countries, a kind of transition towards a more global approach that is less focused on religious diplomacy. But; also, the challenge of countering the influence of rivals such as Qatar and Iran. Naturally, for Africa, there are high expectations of economic development and investment opportunities, as well as the challenge of consolidating political partnerships and increasingly asserting its position in the construction of a multipolar world. This is no mean feat when it comes to strengthening Riyadh's regional influence.

But in other words, Dr. Bakary Sambe, with this rush to the continent by all the classic and emerging powers, how will Africa really benefit from such a situation, which seems to be consolidating an African positioning unprecedented in the history of international relations?

Saudi Arabia has announced significant investments in Africa, with pledges reaching nearly $25 billion by 2030. These investments are intended to support development projects in key sectors such as health, education, water and transport, marking a new investment strategy for the kingdom in the region. As an immediate and concrete spin-off from the Summit, twelve African countries, including Guinea and Niger, under sanctions from ECOWAS and Western countries, and in particular Angola, Burundi, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde and Rwanda, will benefit from a loan worth $580 million aimed at stimulating sustainable development on the continent. In fact, Saudi Arabia wanted to mobilize the leaders of its important sphere of influence, represented by the Arab, Muslim and African worlds, on a burning international issue: the Palestinian cause.  The Iranian President's participation in the Summit was a highlight for Saudi diplomacy, demonstrating its remarkable agility. 

Timbuktu Institute - November 2023

Timbuktu Institute - 15 novembre 2023

Dans un contexte fortement marqué par un processus irréversible de multipolarisation, le Premier Sommet Arabie saoudite-Afrique représente un tournant dans les relations internationales, mettant en lumière les aspirations de l'Arabie saoudite à jouer un rôle de plus en plus central sur l'échiquier mondial et offrant à l'Afrique de nouvelles opportunités de développement et de coopération. Les retombées de ce sommet seront observées de près, car elles contribueront à redéfinir les partenariats internationaux et à façonner l'avenir des relations entre l'Arabie Saoudite et le continent africain.  Par ce Sommet, l’Arabie Saoudite semble avoir voulu mobiliser les dirigeants de son importante sphère d’influence, représentée par le monde arabe, musulman et africain sur un dossier international brûlant, la cause palestinienne.  La participation du président iranien au Sommet était un fait marquant pour la diplomatie saoudienne. Dans le cadre de sa chronique hebdomadaire, le directeur régional du Timbuktu Institute revient sur les enjeux de ce sommet qui pourrait s’inscrire dans le processus de la redynamisation d’un axe Sud-Sud.

Dr. Bakary Sambe, ce 10 novembre, Riyad a accueilli, au Centre international de conférences Roi-Abdelaziz – et pour la première fois – de nombreux chefs d’État africains venus prendre part à un sommet Arabie Saoudite- Afrique, quelle est la signification d'un tel évènement à votre avis?

Ce Sommet marque une étape significative dans l'évolution des relations internationales et des dynamiques économiques mondiales, en particulier dans le partenariat stratégique sud-sud. Plusieurs dirigeants africains ont répondu à l'invitation de Riyad, cherchant des opportunités de coopération économique et de renforcement des liens politiques. Même certains pays en transition qui semblent boudés sur la scène internationale voient dans ce sommet une occasion en or, d'explorer de nouveaux partenariats et de diversifier leurs relations internationales. Traditionnellement, l'influence de l'Arabie saoudite en Afrique s'est manifestée depuis les années 70, par le biais de la diplomatie religieuse même si le levier de l’aide au développement et des investissements n’était absent de la politique africaine de Ryad surtout avec le Fonds Saoudien de Développement depuis 1975. En fait, comme le communiqué final du Sommet l’a mis en exergue, il y avait déjà « une profondeur des relations historiques entre l'Arabie saoudite et les pays africains, avec plus de 45 milliards de dollars d'aide au développement fournie au cours des 50 dernières années dans de nombreux secteurs vitaux. ». Mais pour l’Arabie Saoudite, il s’agit, surtout, d’une opportunité de mobilisation du soutien diplomatique de l’Afrique, le bloc régional le plus large au sein de l’ONU, notamment, dans les dossiers internationaux d’un grand intérêt pour le Royaume

Alors, vous disiez récemment que ce sommet entre aussi dans le cadre de la multipolarisation progressive entamée ces dernières années. Mais quels peuvent être les enjeux pour le continent qui est en même temps dans une phase cruciale d'ouverture et de diversification des partenariats ?

Vous savez, il y avait déjà, un mouvement de dynamisation dès 2018, dont le marqueur était la nomination d’un Secrétaire d’Etat aux Affaires africaines. N’oublions pas que l’Arabie Saoudite s’est diplomatiquement engagée dans la résolution des crises dans la Corne de l’Afrique et le financement du G5 Sahel. Parmi les grands enjeux de ce sommet, il y a l’affirmation en tant qu'alternative aux pays occidentaux, une sorte de transition vers une approche plus globale et moins centrée sur la diplomatie religieuse. Mais aussi l’enjeu de contrecarrer l’influence de ses rivaux comme le Qatar et l’Iran. Naturellement pour l’Afrique, il y a de fortes attentes de développement économique et d'opportunités d'investissement et tout l’enjeu de la consolidation des partenariats politiques de même que le positionnement de plus en plus affirmé dans la construction d'un monde multipolaire. Ce qui n’est pas du tout négligeable dans le renforcement de l'influence régionale de Riyad.

Mais en d'autres termes, Dr. Bakary Sambe, avec cette ruée vers le continent de la part de toutes les puissances classiques comme émergentes, quel profit l'Afrique tirera-t-elle, réellement, d'une telle situation qui semble consolider un positionnement africain inédit dans l'histoire des relations internationales ?

L'Arabie saoudite a annoncé des investissements significatifs en Afrique, avec des promesses atteignant près de 25 milliards de dollars d'ici 2030. Ces investissements sont destinés à soutenir des projets de développement dans des secteurs clés tels que la santé, l'éducation, l'eau, et les transports, marquant une nouvelle stratégie d'investissement du royaume dans la région. Comme retombés immédiates et concrètes du Sommet, il faut savoir que douze pays africains, y compris la Guinée et le Niger, sous sanctions de la CEDEAO et des pays occidentaux, et en particulier l’Angola, le Burundi, le Burkina Faso, le Cap Vert, le Rwanda, vont bénéficier d’un prêt d’une valeur de 580 millions de dollars visant à stimuler le développement durable sur le continent. En fait, l’Arabie Saoudite a voulu mobiliser les dirigeants de son importante sphère d’influence, représentée par le monde arabe, musulman et africain sur un dossier international brûlant, la cause palestinienne.  La participation du président iranien au Sommet était un fait marquant pour la diplomatie saoudienne faisant ainsi montre d’une remarquable agilité. 

Timbuktu Institute – Novembre 2023