Source : Sahel weather

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During the month of April 2024, Guinea was the scene of significant political and social developments, illustrating the challenges facing this country with a transition whose intentions and directions are as yet unclear. First of all, the process of drafting a new constitution, initially scheduled for September of the previous year, was delayed by various institutional obstacles and the surprise dissolution of the government in February. Despite the delays, the president of the transition, General Mamadi Doumbouya, announced that a referendum would be held this year, thus signaling an extension of the transition period beyond the date initially scheduled.

Meanwhile, growing insecurity in the country's second largest city, Kankan, has become a major concern. Armed robberies are on the increase, endangering the lives of citizens and undermining confidence in local authorities to ensure public safety. Recent attacks, some of which have resulted in deaths, testify to a persistent climate of insecurity in the region and the need for urgent measures to remedy it.

At the same time, press freedom is under increasing threat in Guinea, with the suspension of media outlets and news websites under the pretext of "national security". This widely denounced "repression" of freedom of expression is causing growing concern among media professionals, who are requesting a direct audience with President Mamadi Doumbouya to express their concerns and defend their right to independently inform the public.

On the political front, the opposition is organizing around the Union Sacrée, a group of civil society organizations and political parties, to put pressure on the current transition. The Union Sacrée is calling for elections to be held as soon as possible, and expressing concern about the prolongation of the transition and a possible attempt by the ruling junta to seize power. These developments testify to the persistent tensions between the various political players and the need to find a consensus to ensure a democratic and peaceful transition in Guinea.

Source : Sahel weather

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April 2024 was marked by the inauguration and first steps of the youngest president in the country's history, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, and the political and economic developments that followed. He was sworn in as president, succeeding Macky Sall, at a solemn ceremony in the new town of Diamniadio: a flagship project of the Sall presidency. His election was helped, among other circumstances, by the promise of a break with the previous "system", and the appointment of Ousmane Sonko as Prime Minister was a sign of this desire for "systemic" change. The newly-elected president's first speech focused on youth, institutional reform, justice and "virtuous" governance, particularly in the context of the future exploitation of oil and gas resources.

The composition of the government led by Ousmane Sonko highlights a tightly-knit team, marked by the notable presence of members of the Pastef movement, from which the Prime Minister hails. The appointment of two generals to key posts (Interior and Defense) also drew mixed reactions, as did the minimalist presence of just 4 women. The death of Mahammed Boun Abdallah Dionne, former Prime Minister and presidential candidate, also marked the month of April, while providing an opportunity for a "republican" display for the Prime Minister, who presided over the funeral ceremony, alongside illustrious individuals from the regime defeated by PASTEF.

On the economic front, the new president ordered an economic and financial review of the country, with a focus on economic recovery and reducing public spending. The resumption of the maritime link between Dakar and Ziguinchor was welcomed by the Casamance region, while a record cocaine seizure was made in the east of the country.

The preservation of the country's heritage also received particular attention, with the suspension of an auction of the library of Léopold Sédar Senghor, former president and poet of Senegal.

In addition, as he reserved his first visits for Touba and Tivaouane (the two main capitals of the influential brotherhoods), the President announced the creation of a Department of Religious Affairs and the Integration of Arab Education Graduates. This new entity, which will report to the Presidency, will bring together offices previously under the separate responsibility of the Ministry of the Interior and National Education.

On the international scene, Bassirou Diomaye Faye made his first foreign visit to Mauritania, emphasizing the importance of relations with neighboring countries, as well as the future joint exploitation of gas resources. His visit to Gambia was part of a drive to strengthen bilateral ties between the two nations, on which the definitive resolution of the crisis in Casamance largely depends. Finally, his diplomatic meeting in Guinea-Bissau at the end of the month provided an opportunity to discuss border issues, security and Chinese fisheries.

On the diplomatic front, the Senegalese President called for a "rethought" partnership with the European Union, highlighting the country's economic development priorities, while continuing official visits such as the one to Côte d'Ivoire, where President Faye will meet President Alassane Ouattara, one of the deans of ECOWAS.

Source : Météo Sahel 

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Au cours du mois d'avril 2024, la Guinée a été le théâtre de développements politiques et sociaux significatifs, illustrant les défis auxquels est confronté ce pays avec une transition aux intentions et orientations pour l’heure illisibles. Tout d'abord, le processus d'élaboration d'une nouvelle Constitution, initialement prévu pour septembre de l'année précédente, a été retardé en raison de divers obstacles institutionnels et de la dissolution surprise du gouvernement en février. Malgré les retards, le président de la transition, le Général Mamadi Doumbouya, a annoncé la tenue d'un référendum cette année, signalant ainsi une prolongation de la période de transition au-delà de la date initialement prévue.

Pendant ce temps, l'insécurité croissante dans la deuxième ville du pays, Kankan, est devenue une préoccupation majeure. Les braquages à main armée se multiplient, mettant en danger la vie des citoyens et sapant la confiance dans les autorités locales pour assurer la sécurité publique. Les récentes attaques, dont certaines se sont soldées par des décès, témoignent d'un climat d'insécurité persistant dans la région et de la nécessité de mesures urgentes pour y remédier.

Parallèlement, la liberté de la presse est de plus en plus menacée en Guinée, avec la suspension de médias et de sites d'information sous prétexte de "sécurité nationale". Cette « répression » de la liberté d'expression largement dénoncée suscite des inquiétudes croissantes parmi les professionnels des médias, qui demandent une audience directe au président Mamadi Doumbouya pour exprimer leurs préoccupations et défendre leur droit à informer le public de manière indépendante.

Sur le plan politique, l'opposition s'organise autour de l'Union sacrée, regroupant plusieurs organisations de la société civile et partis politiques, pour faire pression sur la transition en cours. L'Union sacrée demande la tenue rapide d'élections et exprime des inquiétudes quant à la prolongation de la transition et à une éventuelle tentative de la junte au pouvoir de confisquer le pouvoir. Ces développements témoignent des tensions persistantes entre les différents acteurs politiques et de la nécessité de trouver un consensus pour assurer une transition démocratique et pacifique en Guinée.

Source : Météo Sahel 

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Le mois d’avril 2024 aura été marqué par l'investiture et les premiers pas du plus jeune président de l’histoire du pays, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, ainsi que les développements politiques et économiques qui ont suivi. Il a prêté serment en tant que président, succédant à Macky Sall, lors d'une cérémonie solennelle dans la nouvelle ville de Diamniadio : un projet-phare de la présidence Sall. Son élection a été favorisée, entre autres circonstances, par la promesse de rupture avec le « système » précédent, et la nomination au poste de Premier ministre, d’Ousmane Sonko, a été un signe de cette volonté de changement « systémique ». Le premier discours du président nouvellement élu a mis l'accent sur la jeunesse, la réforme des institutions, la justice et une gouvernance « vertueuse », notamment dans le contexte de l'exploitation future des ressources pétrolières et gazières.

La composition du gouvernement dirigé par Ousmane Sonko met en lumière une équipe resserrée et marquée par la présence notable de membres du mouvement Pastef, dont est issu le Premier ministre. Les nominations de deux généraux à des postes régaliens (Intérieur et Défense) ont également été notées, suscitant des réactions diverses ainsi que la présence minimaliste de seulement 4 femmes. Le décès de Mahammed Boun Abdallah Dionne, ancien Premier ministre et candidat à la présidentielle, a également marqué ce mois d’avril tout en donnant l’occasion d’un affichage « républicain »  au premier ministre ayant présidé la cérémonie de levée du corps ; cotoyant d’illustres individualités du régime défait par PASTEF.

Sur le plan économique, le nouveau président a ordonné un état des lieux économique et financier du pays, avec un accent sur la relance économique et la réduction des dépenses publiques. La reprise de la liaison maritime entre Dakar et Ziguinchor a été bien accueillie pour la région de la Casamance, tandis qu'une saisie record de cocaïne a été réalisée dans l'est du pays.

La préservation du patrimoine national a également fait l'objet d'une attention particulière, avec la suspension d'une vente aux enchères de la bibliothèque de Léopold Sédar Senghor, ancien président et poète du Sénégal.

Par ailleurs, le président, alors qu’il a réservé ses premières visites à Touba et Tivaouane (deux principales capitales des influentes confréries), a annoncé la création d'une Direction des affaires religieuses et de l’insertion des diplômés de l’enseignement arabe. Cette nouvelle entité, qui relèvera de la présidence, regroupera les bureaux précédemment sous la responsabilité séparée du ministère de l'Intérieur et de l’éducation nationale.

Sur la scène internationale, Bassirou Diomaye Faye a effectué sa première visite à l'étranger en Mauritanie, soulignant l'importance des relations avec les pays voisins mais aussi l’enjeu de la future exploitation commune des ressources gazières. Sa visite en Gambie, participe à la volonté de renforcer les liens bilatéraux entre les deux nations dont dépend beaucoup la résolution définitive de la crise en Casamance. Enfin, sa rencontre diplomatique en Guinée-Bissau en cette fin de mois a permis de discuter des questions de frontière, de sécurité et des pêcheries chinoises. 

Sur le plan diplomatique, le président sénégalais a plaidé pour un partenariat "repensé" avec l'Union européenne, mettant en avant les priorités de développement économique du pays tout en poursuivant les visites officielles comme celle effectuée en Côte d’Ivoire où le Président Faye rencontrera le Président Alassane Ouattara, un des doyens de la CEDEAO.

Source : Sahel weather

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Tensions between nomadic Arab herders and indigenous sedentary farmers continue to provoke deadly clashes in southern Chad. At the end of March, at least 23 people were killed during seven days of violence in the Moyen-Chari region. These clashes are often triggered by disagreements and conflicts over the control of certain lands.

At the same time, the arrest of Ibrahim Hissein Bourma, a Chadian businessman, continues to arouse public criticism. His support committee has denounced the conditions of his detention, claiming that he was brutally arrested by armed soldiers. Relatives also denounce the arbitrary detention of some thirty people in his residence.

Controversy also erupted around the appearance of election posters of the transitional president before the official start of the electoral campaign. The opposition denounced this as a violation of the Electoral Code and accused the election management body of a partisan attitude in not taking action against these posters. Presidential candidates are also criticizing the use of state resources in the campaign, claiming that the transitional president is benefiting from an unfair advantage. In addition, tensions have arisen around electoral transparency, with a ban on photographing the minutes of the count, raising concerns about the validity of the electoral process.

The electoral campaign continued with ten candidates vying for the May 6 presidential election, including Pahimi Padacké and Lydie Beassemda, the only female candidate in the Chadian presidential election, who supports federalism as well as women's rights. A food industry engineer with ministerial experience, she heads the Party for Democracy and Integral Independence (PDI). The candidates' programs range from anti-corruption measures and energy sector reform to promises of restoring democracy and food self-sufficiency. While Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno is campaigning in opposition areas, Succès Masra, the current Prime Minister and presidential candidate, organized a massive rally in Moundou before embarking on a well-attended campaign even in the interior of the country and especially in the big cities. 

Against this tense backdrop, the United States plans to temporarily withdraw some of its forces from Chad, in response to a Chadian request to cease operations at an air base, and will do so, according to the authorities, as part of a review of security cooperation after the presidential elections.  

The elections went off smoothly and the partial results are being scrutinized from all sides, with heated debates already launched on social networks and claims of victory in the major cities by supporters of the opponent Succès Masra.

Source : Météo Sahel 

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Les tensions entre éleveurs nomades arabes et cultivateurs autochtones sédentaires continuent de provoquer des affrontements meurtriers dans le sud du Tchad. Fin mars, au moins 23 personnes ont été tuées pendant sept jours de violences dans la région du Moyen-Chari. Ces heurts sont souvent déclenchés suite à des désaccords et des conflits liés au contrôle de certaines terres.

En parallèle, l'arrestation d'Ibrahim Hissein Bourma, un homme d'affaires tchadien, continue de susciter des critiques au sein de l’opinion publique. Son comité de soutien dénonce ses conditions de détention et affirme qu'il a été arrêté de manière brutale par des militaires armés. Des proches dénoncent également la détention arbitraire d'une trentaine de personnes dans sa résidence.

La polémique ont également éclaté autour de l'apparition d'affiches électorales du président de la transition avant le début officiel de la campagne électorale. L'opposition dénonçait, ainsi, une violation du Code électoral et accuse l'organe de gestion des élections d'avoir une attitude partisane en ne prenant pas de mesures contre ces affiches. Des candidats à la présidentielle critiquent également l'utilisation des moyens de l'État dans la campagne, affirmant que le président de transition bénéficie d'un avantage indu. En outre, des tensions ont surgi autour de la transparence électorale, avec une interdiction de photographier les procès-verbaux de dépouillement, suscitant des préoccupations quant à la validité du processus électoral.

La campagne électorale s’est poursuivie avec dix candidats en lice pour l'élection présidentielle du 6 mai, dont Pahimi Padacké ou encore Lydie Beassemda, seule candidate femme à l'élection présidentielle tchadienne, défendant le fédéralisme mais aussi les droits des femmes. Ingénieure en industrie agroalimentaire, elle a une expérience ministérielle et dirige le Parti pour la démocratie et l'indépendance intégrale (PDI). Les candidats présentent des programmes variés, allant de la lutte contre la corruption à la réforme du secteur de l'énergie, en passant par des promesses de restauration de la démocratie et de l'autosuffisance alimentaire. Alors que Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno mène sa campagne dans les terre de l’opposition, Succès Masra, actuel Premier ministre et candidat à la présidence, a organisé un rassemblement massif à Moundou avant de se lancer dans une campagne bien suivie même à l’intérieur du pays et surtout dans les grandes villes.

Dans ce contexte tendu, les États-Unis prévoient de retirer temporairement une partie de leurs forces du Tchad, en raison d'une demande tchadienne de cesser leurs activités sur une base aérienne, et cela se fera, d’après les autoritsé, dans le cadre d'un réexamen de la coopération sécuritaire après les élections présidentielles. 

Les élections se sont déroulées sans heurts et les résultats partiels sont scrutés de toutes parts avec des débats passionnés déjà lancés sur les réseaux sociaux et des revendications de victoire dans les grandes villes par les partisans de l’opposant Succès Masra.

Source : Sahel weather

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In Togo, it is in a climate of high tension that citizens are called to vote to elect their deputies in a long-awaited legislative election that has been repeatedly postponed and finally rescheduled for Monday April 29. This new postponement follows President Faure Gnassingbé's request to re-examine the text aimed at amending the Constitution to move the country from a presidential to a so-called parliamentary regime, initially adopted by the assembly on March 25. With an overwhelming majority in parliament, it came as no surprise that the deputies confirmed the adoption of the text.

Henceforth, in Togo, power resides in the hands of a President of the Council of Ministers, appointed by the deputies, in charge of regalian functions. The president's term of office is six years, without specifying whether or not he or she can be reappointed. It is this point that worries the opposition, who fear that the current president, Faure Gnassingbé, could be appointed to this position, ensuring that he remains in power indefinitely. 

The day after the final adoption of the new constitution, the opposition lodged an appeal with the ECOWAS Court of Justice to demand the withdrawal of the country's new constitution, arguing that the constitutional reform "was made in the absence of prior public debate and political consensus", which, according to opponents and civil society, would undermine "democracy and good governance".

For some analysts, muzzled by bans on demonstrations, the opposition has concentrated its efforts on the run-up to the ballot scheduled for Monday 29, to raise awareness of how to vote, in order to avoid invalid ballots. According to the opposition, these legislative elections are an opportunity to "break the chains of slavery" that are shackling the Togolese people, and put an end to the Gnassingbé "dynasty".

According to the opposition, there is a flagrant lack of transparency in this election, with the authorities refusing to accredit an observer mission proposed by the Justice and Peace Commission. Even ECOWAS, which had announced an exploratory mission to interact with the main stakeholders on the latest developments in the country in a tweet, ended up modifying it the very next day, simply reclassifying the mission as "informational". It was thus in a rather confused climate that the Togolese were called to vote on Monday April 29, 2024, with the result ushering in a new political era in a country where the political scene has never been so turbulent in recent years.

Source : Météo Sahel 

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Au Togo, c’est dans un climat de forte tension que les citoyens sont appelés à voter pour élire leurs députés lors d’une élection législative très attendue et maintes fois reportée pour finalement être reprogrammée le lundi 29 avril. Ce nouveau report fait suite à la demande du président Faure Gnassingbé de réexaminer le texte visant à modifier la Constitution pour faire passer le pays d’un régime présidentiel à un régime dit parlementaire initialement adopté par l’assemblée le 25 mars dernier. Avec une majorité écrasante au parlement c’est sans surprise que les députés ont confirmé l’adoption du texte.

Dorénavant, au Togo, le pouvoir réside entre les mains d’un président du Conseil des ministres, désigné par les députés, chargé des fonctions régaliennes. Son mandat est de six ans, sans qu’il soit précisé s’il sera renouvelable ou non. C’est ce point qui inquiète l’opposition qui craint que l’actuel président, Faure Gnassingbé, ne soit désigné à cette fonction, assurant son maintien au pouvoir pour une durée indéfinie. 

Au lendemain de l’adoption définitive de la nouvelle constitution, l’opposition a déposé un recours devant la Cours de justice de la CEDEAO pour réclamer le retrait de la nouvelle constitution du pays, estiment que la réforme constitutionnelle "a été faite en l'absence d'un débat public préalable et d'un consensus politique", ce qui, d’après les opposants et la société civile, porterait atteinte à "la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance".

Pour certains analystes, muselée par des interdictions de manifester l’opposition s’est concentrée sur les efforts en vue du scrutin fixé au lundi 29, pour sensibiliser sur la manière de voter, afin d’éviter les bulletins nuls. Selon cette même opposition ces législatives sont l’occasion de « rompre les chaînes de l’esclavage » qui entravent le peuple togolais et d’en finir avec la « dynastie » Gnassingbé.

Toujours, selon l’opposition, un manque flagrant de transparence plane sur cette élection avec le refus des autorités d’accréditer une mission d’observateur proposée par la commission justice et paix. Même la CEDEAO qui avait annoncé une mission exploratoirevisant à interagir avec les principales parties prenantes sur les derniers développements dans le pays dans un tweet finira par le modifier dès le lendemain requalifiant simplement la mission « d’informationnel ». C’est, ainsi, dans un climat assez confus que les togolais ont été appelés à voter le lundi 29 avril 2024 avec le résultat qui ouvre une nouvelle ère politique dans ce pays où la scène politique n’a jamais été aussi mouvementée ces dernières années.

According to the regional director of the Timbuktu Institute, at a seminar on Tuesday on "the consequences of disinformation in the Sahel", Senegal, which is also a victim of this scourge, particularly during election periods, must pay attention and develop mechanisms to eradicate it.

"Our country needs to be vigilant about the development of platforms, but also about the control of information. What's more, it needs to show resilience in the face of misinformation and its consequences for young people, who are more connected than ever. We are consumers of information, but we are also transmitters of information".

he recalls.

Source : www.dakaractu.com

In Africa, and more particularly in the Sahel, election periods are times of general tension and tension, and in a context of disinformation, the risks are heightened. This was the theme of a seminar organized by the Timbuktu Institute in partnership with Meta, on February 27 in Dakar, on "The stakes of disinformation and the challenges of social cohesion and democracy in the Sahel". Moderated by CESTI Director Mamadou Ndiaye, the discussions highlighted the threats to stability posed by misinformation, and stressed the need to promote fact-checking and media education. In short, greater responsibility on the part of the media and citizens, who are becoming both consumers and producers of information in the age of social networks.

The sub-region is experiencing a "paradox", says Bakary Sambe, Director of the Timbuktu Institute. Observing that young people in the 90s who fought for democratization are today in the crowds welcoming as heroes the new players who come to power by force, he wonders "whether a democratic disenchantment cannot explain the fact that ex-freedom fighters today give a standing ovation to those who come to power undemocratically." In his book "Ill Winds", American political scientist Larry Diamond offers a diagnosis of what he sees as the unfavorable winds for democracy, including "American recklessness", "Russian anger" and "Chinese ambition". However, for the director of the Timbuktu Institute, a fourth parameter needs to be added: "the inconsistencies of Western powers, but also of local authorities, which have led democracy astray".

Among other things, he regrets that this misuse of democracy "has transformed elections, which were supposed to be moments of celebration and democratic festivity, into moments of anxiety and risk". As a result, in these tense moments marked by a competitive context, "a digital jungle is emerging, where those who master the technicalities can have the upper hand over those who live by the rules of ethics, and the manipulation of information is becoming a crucial issue where digital armies produce disinformation campaigns, even harassment of political figures", he adds. Between 2002 and 2014 in sub-Saharan Africa, he warns, "election periods caused more than 5,000 deaths. In other words, they are just as critical as new border or environmental threats." Faced with an unprecedented flow of information that makes discernment difficult and has led to "infobesity", the new informational cold war in the sub-region is amplifying the conspiracy theories that are now proliferating, all the more so as "it is certain States themselves that sometimes indulge in disinformation, and also, political socialization is also taking place via the Internet, with a leader's political status or popularity becoming a matter of the number of clicks and followers", he points out.

Disinformation and information warfare, the new Pandora's box?

For Abdourahamane Dicko, lecturer and researcher at the University of Zinder (Niger), "we have to start from the principle that the issue of disinformation must be analyzed in its multidimensional character. Insofar as, he believes, "the Nigerien state has failed by creating a collective fear around freedom of expression. Today, not only is political socialization based on ethnolinguistic affiliation, but some communities - in this case the Peul - are labelled as sympathizers of the jihadists". This situation, exacerbated by widespread misinformation," he warns, "is fertile ground for the proliferation of inter-community conflicts in the Sahel. Pointing out that it is important to contextualize the phenomenon of disinformation, the Nigerian, associate researcher at the Timbuktu Institute, proposes the term "coaching politics in a situation where disinformation is knowingly manufactured and disseminated, the state participates in its popularization."

Faced with this disruption of the information field, Beninese investigative journalist Ignace Sossou recommends observing "an ethic of use of social networks", which is both attentive to the opportunities and to the shortcomings of these platforms. According to him, in a context of "liberalization of the media space, with the proliferation of private media and influencers who are antechambers of disinformation, the journalist's duty is to systematically go further in his or her approach." In other words, armed with ethics and deontology, the journalist must be able to separate the wheat from the chaff of the networks, while maintaining a reflex: that of fact-checking. "It should no longer be seen as a tool reserved for the media world, but should be taught to everyone, especially young people, so as to cultivate their critical faculties", recommends the fact-checking trainer.

Given that misinformation is a sprawling challenge, Tidiani Togola, Civic-Tech specialist in Mali, believes that "a strategy built around media education and digital literacy" is needed. This strategy should be part of a "holistic approach that takes into account researchers, governments, civil society and users, with the aim of engaging platforms to better identify local contexts". In his view, given that the Sahel is "plagued by social tensions and the industrialization of disinformation", it would be wise for platforms to "engage in local partnerships, to support initiatives to combat and research disinformation, not only by promoting fact-checking in school curricula, but also through awareness-raising campaigns in local languages". All this could make a lasting contribution to cleaning up the social networking environment in the Sahel.

Media literacy: a compass for greater stability?

"Media and information literacy is both a supply and a demand," says Yacine Diagne, a teacher-researcher at CESTI. Unfortunately, however, "the overcrowded school system doesn't lend itself to it, especially as education in Africa is overwhelmed and teachers can't keep up with the demands placed on them." Because worse than misinformation, she observes an "information disorder insidiously mixing misinformation-malinformation-misinformation where we can't expect public authorities, who repress, to promote media education." To achieve this, the media specialist suggests "African-style education, via local communities, at grassroots level".

Bakary Sambe agrees, reminding us that "education is a weapon for the massive construction of citizenship." He continues: "The democratization of access to and dissemination of information requires a new type of education. Today, everyone is both a sender and a consumer of information. That's why we need to return to more democratic ethics in the use of the media, without forgetting the role of governments, because it's sometimes the absence of democracy that fertilizes the breeding ground for disinformation.

According to Valdez Onanina, editor-in-chief of Africa Check, "fact-checking is actually consubstantial with the work of journalism. The fact is, if there's so much talk about it nowadays, it's because journalistic work is poorly done." To a participant who feels that social networks have become "public dumps", he finds that such an attitude of mind could be counterproductive thinking. "We have to accept the fact that social networks occupy a considerable amount of public space. It would be playing against ourselves to distance ourselves from them, since we're already behind the times when it comes to digitalization. What's more, disinformation now serves both ideological and economic purposes, as we've seen with Story Killers", he explains.

Meta's commitment to combating misinformation in the Sahel

Meta's Public Policy Manager for French-speaking Africa, Olivia Tchamba, reiterated their approach to combating misinformation, insisting on the existence of community standards for the use of platforms at Meta to better demonstrate the authenticity of content. False viral information likely to cause physical or other damage is therefore not authorized by the platform.

So, in a more inclusive approach and with the aim of striking the right balance between the issue of freedom of expression and the ability to give users the freedom to create communities and exchange on what interests them, Meta is partnering with a category of players who have the ability to verify content. These include collaboration with journalists through the "NoFalseNewsZone" fact-checking incubation and mentoring program, running in five countries: Côte d'Ivoire, Cameroon, Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which aims to support local media in the fight against misinformation, but also, in a more holistic approach, Digital Literacy to help users understand how to take advantage of all the benefits that digital offers.

In general, Olivia Tchamba recalled that Meta had set up a number of programs in Senegal, Côte d'Ivoire and other Sahelian countries, notably the digital literacy caravan through the "Mon univers digital" program, which aims to help users gain a better understanding of how to search for and critically analyze information, for a more judicious and responsible use of the platform. In addition, Meta has launched "an awareness campaign on social networks and radio, on disinformation and the fight against online hate speech, in the context of the presidential election. The main objective is to show the merits and interest of young people's participation in the electoral process", Olivia Tchamba hopes.

Source: Timbuktu Institute - March 2024